Project: Xiang-Mai
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: November/01/2006
Last updated: December/30/2017
All right reserved.
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.

According to its chronicle, Xiang-Mai received its name when Buddha Gautama and disciples came to Suvannaphumi for a religious mission (CMC: The Buddha and the Lawa: p. 198). After a feast organized by the Lawa tribesmen, Buddha Gautama ordained four Lawa tribesmen into monk-hood and then prophesied
Because of the new ordained Thammila, in the future this domain will be called Muang Chi Mai (New Monks).
In Buddhist tradition, the word Thammila or Tamila was referring to Southern Indian natives who resisted to join in the Buddhist communion and later on were subjected to Vishnuism (Notes: Thammila vs Lawa). It might reflects that most Lawa tribesmen were already subjected to the Talaing or Mon royal houses of South Indian Tamil dynasty. It actually happened after Bhavavarman already Xiang-Mai and imposed the Mon identity over them, long after the visit of Buddha Gautama in the region (Dvaravati: The Exploit of Water Chenla: The Absorption of Syam by Water Chenla). Like the Mons of the Menam Valleys, the Lua people of the northern Siam country were mostly Buddhist prior to be taken over by Water Chenla. With that discrepancy aside, we shall see later that the prophecy realized itself when Anuradha established the city Lawasangharatha many centuries later into becoming a Buddhist center for northern Siam countries. Since then, the place was called Xiang Chi Mai, the city of the new monks in Lao Language that became Xiang-Mai of today. Besides Buddhism, Xiang-Mai also retained a deep tradition shared among Indochinese natives since the Great Flood. The same as other localities of the mainland Indochina, Xiang-mai had been created by the Xia dynasty (2070-1600 BC) long before the marked event. Echoed in their own tradition of the great deluge, the Naga culture was derived from the early foundation of humanity by king Samanta whose descendants became the forefront founder of the Xia Dynasty. The "Annales de Siam" provide us with good information about both the prehistoric origin of the Khmer-Mon people whom they called the Krom and the Tai leaderships that were responsible to bring the human culture to the Lao people. Being flood survivors who chose to stay isolated from the Khmer-Mon communities of King Samanta, the Lua tribesmen still retained their life-style from previous Kappa. They were inducted to the Tai culture through the Tai leadership, sent by the Shang dynasty of China to bring the Lao societies up to the human race (The Sakadvipa: The Race of Giant: The Giants and the Magicians). Called themselves Rajputs (Sons of God), the Tai leaderships brought the man civilization to the native tribesmen whom were left out from previous Khmerization. It is important to note that the human culture was developed by Adam and his offspring and was spread along the outer loop of Mahabharata. According to the Annal of Syam, clashes with Xiang-Mai were noticed after king Simhanati brought the Tai Culture to spread in northern Siam Country. Under Krom rulers, Xiang-Mai that was known as the Mangala nagara became a dependency of the Siam Bandusimhanati Kingdom. Nevertheless, both countries fought to establish their own suzerainty over the other. During the reign of Kaundinya Jayavarman at Lavo, evidences show that the court of Bandusimhanati Nagara lost the fight and became part of the Khmer Empire.

Becoming the Capital of Syam
As part of Dvaravati, Xiang-Mai along with its dependency the Siam Country became a dependency of Lavo (Nokor Khmer: The Dependancy of the Siam Country: The Absorbtion of Xiang-Saen). The advent of the Chenla uprising however did not change the situation. Xiang-Mai itself appeared to be first subjugated along with Lavo by Water Chenla during the early phase of the Chenla's campaign and became the seat of the next northward expansion campaign. When the Syam country was conquered, Xiang-Mai was reinstated as its capital. In the "Meridionaux", Matounlin mentioned that Seng-kao or Seng-chi became the capital of Chih-tu and In 638 sent tribute along with three others countries to China. The Chinese word "Seng-kao" or "Seng-Chi" is actually a corruption of the word "Seng-Tche" meaning the city of the monks. Being the exact translation of the Pali word "Lawasangharatha" and the Thai word "Xiang Chi Mai", Seng-Tche was often mentioned with connection to the indigenous slaves that scholars referred as Africans. The new history of the Tang, in particular, mentions about Ho-Ling offering to the emperor, among other presents, the slaves Seng-Tche (Notes: The Seng-Tche Slaves). This particular account is, as we had argued, was connecting to the Land-Chenla court in relation with the Tang Dynasty. The Chinese source indicated that in the period around 607 AD, the king had a family name Gautama, the name of the Sakya family (DICI: p. 290). The statement led us to believe that the Land Chenla court included members of the fallen court of king Bandhusimhanati, a close Sakya family member of king Sodhodhana (The Sakadvipa: The Tai Incursion: King Simhanati and the Formation of Xiang Saen). It was the same slaves that the Chinese sources mentioned as the Seng-Tche slaves who were sent by Ho-Ling as tribute to the Tang court of China. Under the court of Lawasangharatha, Xiang-Mai extended its control deep into the north. Subsequently, Xiang-Mai changed its demography of the Khmer-Mon background to the Lao identity and culture. Under many generations of Tai leadership, the Lao people were introduced the Tai mythology from the west that constituted the diversion of the Lao tradion from its original Kun-Lun's culture ever since (Notes: The Tai Mythology). According to the Lao Tradition, the practice of the Tai aristocrats to capture slaves from the Kha indigenous tribesmen for their own use dated back since their arrival in Southeast Asia. Chinese source confirms that the Kun-Lun slaves were traded in Europe since the Shang era until the slave trade was put to stop by the Tchou Dynasty (The Nagadvipa: The Legacy of Nokor Phnom: The Tian-Tchou Dynasty).

The Tai mythology could be split into two phases. The first phase that was concerning the Great Flood and the survival of the three chiefs Khun Kheh, Khun Khan and Khun Po langsa. It could be related to the Great Flood of the western Book of Genesis and the subsequent conception of the three descendants of Adam: Ham, Sem and Jephet. The second phase that was more connected specifically to the Yunnan' s history was on the other hand concerning a local development during the Chenla uprising. We shall argue that Khun Borom of the Lao story who was sent by the Chief of God to develop the Lao communities of Nan-sseu was actually king Rudravarman of Prey-Nokor who, due to the Chenla uprising, was displaced to Nan-Tchao.

The Tai's Flood Myth
Being native of Southeast Asia, the Lua native tribesmen had the same flood 's experience as their Khmer-Mon compatriots. Their life-style and habitation are the same as other survivors of the Great flood. Nevertheless, they appeared to have their flood myth different from their Khmer-Mon compatriots.
Early in the earth's history mankind was uncivilized, rude, and brutal, and not yet settled to agriculture. Man's ingratitude to the Heavenly Spirit so angered the chief of the gods that he unloosed an enormous flood upon the earth from which only three chiefs escaped, Khun Khek, Khun Khan, and Khun Pu Lang Song (Po Vamsa). They made submission to the chief of gods and remained with him in the heaven until the flood subsided. (HThai: The Beginning of Thai History: The Tai Village and Muang: p. 10)
Instead of remembering through their own experience, the native Lua people received their flood myth from the Sakan leadership who came later to establish themselves as their rulers (The Sakadvipa: The Tai Incursion: King Suvanna Kahamdeng and the Formation of Nararatha). The flood story that was actually handed down to them, might have been originated from Mahayana or Hindu folklore. Compiled to fit into religious scripture, the story was originated from the same Great Flood of the Manu era and Nan-Tchao (Srasvati in the old day) was the seat of the Man culture spreading among the survivors of the Great Flood. The story was then carried on through out later emergence of spiritual figure along with the descending line of King Samanta. Differing from the native Flood Myth were the survivors who were venturing out to become the progenitors of mankind around the globe. Among the three chiefs mentioned in the Lao Tradition, Khun Khek was the Param-Kamboja leadership who, through circumstances of theirs birth, were native of the Malay Archipelago. They were actually the anscestors of the western Kambojas through the long lineage of Sri kambu who was the founder of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Dynasty (Kamboja Desa: The Kamboj Legacy: The Identity of Sri Kambu). Married to a princess of the Meru Court, Sri Kambu (Ku-Fu in Semitic language) went out to establish his empire at Middle East at the expense of the Meru Culture. His legacy had played a big role in next human creation that was passed onto the Central Asian Yueh-Shih leadership of Khun Khan and later to khun Po Vamsa of the Hiong-nu royal house. The return of the three chiefs could be verified by artifacts found on the top three layers of the archeology site of Dien-Bien-Phu. The lower layer concerns the settlement of the flood survivors Tians who migrated down to join with the aboriginal Hoabinhian peoples who were the first inhabitants of Southeast Asia. The next layer was the Dong-son culture being transplanted in Southeast Asia by members of the displaced Shang court. The last layer contains mostly of Han tombs that conveys the presence of the Cham Po Vamsa among the Lao communities of the region. Nevertheless, the works of the three chiefs was not restricted to the Lao communities around Dien-Bien-Phu only as claimed in the Lao tradition, but was a global development as stated in the western genesis of the works of Adam's three sons. The next story of Khun Borom to take part during the early spread of civilization among the local tribesmen was concerning the emerging of the Meru Culture that started at the Tian Shan range.
The population soon grew so numerous that it required assistance in governing. So the chief of the gods sent to earth his own son Khun Borom, who arrived on earth accompanied by courtiers and teachers, tools, and the useful and fine arts.
The story introduces Khun Borom as a son of the Chief of Gods who was sent to civilize the Tai world. In reality, it was Meru who started his own era on the footstep of mount Himalayas forming the Kamara (Kun-Lun in Chinese) communities out of the flood survivors. As we have argued, the Tians were actually the Jins of the Nagalands where their Man culture had evolved into the Tian or Meru Culture. Their migrations down to the plain brought the Tian culture to spread among the indigenous tribe and contributed to the emergence of the early Kamara or Khmer-Mon stock. The Tian artifact at Dien-Bien-Phu confirms their settlement at the Red River Delta as well as at other southern Seacoast of China. In that case we could identify that Khun Borom was no other than the son Uru of King Samata himself who became later deitfied as the god-king Paramesvara in Khmer tradition (Kamboja-Desa: The Funan Court: The Reign of King Fan Man and the Consolidation of Funan).

The Tai's Creation Myth
Mimicking the western tradition of Hem, Sem and Jephet making their ways to build their own communities around the world, the Lao tradition created its own version about the Lao world at Dien-Bien-Phu.
At that time, they returned to earth with a buffalo, which help them lay out rice field around Dien-Bien-Phu and then died. From the nostrils of the dead buffalo there grew an enormous plan bearing gourds or pumpkins from which there soon came loud noises. When the gourds were pieced, mankind came pouring out to populate the earth. Those who came out of the gourds through the holes made with a red-hot poker are the dark-skinned aboriginal people, and those who came through the holes made with a chisel were the lighter-skinned Lao. (HThai: The Beginning of Thai History: The Tai Village and Muang: p. 10)
THe first to come out from the red-hot poker were the Hoa-Bin-Hians whose were mostly native of Southeast Asia while the Lao people came next through the hole made by the chisel. In that statement, the Lao people already thought that they were not native of Southeast Asia who were of darker skin. Instead they claim to come from the north as proved by their lighter-skinned like their Tai rulers. Apparently, it was not according to the original Tai Mythology of Daya Desa (Parthia or the west). The Tai's creation Myth was instead associated to the exploitation of three chiefs who became next the progenitors of humankind around the globe. In that global development, the Africans were actually the first to come out from the gourd through the hole made with the red-hot poker. They became the first of humankind to receive their civilizations instilled by the first chief Khun Khek. Following the sea venturing of his ancestor the Polynesians, the Malay chief set out his odyssey to explore the maritime realm of the globe. Along the way, they built their communities along the Pacific and Atlantic islands and the rest of the world that constituted the Mahabharata of the Hindu folklore. In Africa, their contribution to the development of African civilization earned them the Title of the Lion (Simha in Sanskrit) kings. They were actually members of King Samanta's direct descendants who later were known as the Param-Kambojan kings in the Mahabharata's epic story. It is important to note that Africa, as well as other parts of the Mahabharata was among the first to receive the human culture right after the great flood. There are evidences that they might already be in the same development, in previous Kappas. After the settlement of Meru at Middle East, Ku-Fu (Sri Kambu in Sanskrit) received the hand of Meram and became the ruler of Egypt (Kamboja Desa: The Kamboj Legacy: The Identity of Sri Kambu). After the first pyramid of Giza was built, his line of descendants already set themselves out of Meru 's influence and took their own course to exploit the world. Evidences also show that their exploitation already reached South America and built themselves into becoming a new maritime power. His successor Khun Khan extended his venture into Central Asia and built Parthia to be their military stronghold. The Middle Eastern stocks and later the Chinese were next to come out through the hole made by the chisel and received theirs instructions from Khun Khan. Their religion was actually the Moon Culture turning itself by bad practices into Yueh or Soma Culture, through the occurrence of the Kala Yuga. Known as Ta Yueh-shih, the Khan leadership went out his way to colonize eastern China and proclaimed himself as the Son of Heaven. During the high of the Kalayuga, the Shang Dynasty of China extended the Chinese frontier down to Southeast Asia and at the same time reversed their course to the European continent. Completing the Creation Myth of Khun Borom, the Europeans who came out the last through the same hole became the subjects of Khun Po Vamsa. He was the youngest son of Adam who through the exploit of his brother Khun Khan (Ta Yue-Shih) had extensive contact with Southeast Asia and settled themselves at Gangetic India. Through self-rejuvenation, they abandoned the Soma culture and went back to Egypt bringing along the Sun culture to make a second spread at Middle East. Under the spell of the Kalayuga, it was not long that the new Sun culture turned itself into its dark side. Under the Sun God Ra, the Phoenicians nevertheless brought materialistic prosperity to the western world. In India, a new generation of humankind under Manu Vaisvata rulership brought up the Vishnuite cult to challenge the last leadership of the Meru culture. This evolution of the man culture contrasted itself to the Man (or Meru) culture in many ways. Instead of evolving in the inner-loop of mount Himalayas following the counter-clockwise direction, the man culture evolved at the outer-loop of the Mahabharata and in a clockwise direction. In normal situation, harmony prevails as the two cultures stayed on their own separate paths. The Kalayuga however created a critical situation that impacts the history of Southeast Asia by setting the two worlds (the world of men and the world of Man) in a collision course.

Khun Borom of Nan-Tchao
The Lao tradition about the resurrection of the next Khun Borom was not to be confused with the primordial Khun Borom as described earlier. As much as the emergence of the latter was worldwide and was part of the early development of the Meru Culture, his resurrection in the late seventh century was as we shall see locally staged and connected to the history of Nan-Tchao. Another version of the same tale from Xiang Khwang dates this new event in 698 AD that coincided with the late development of the Chenla uprising. During the attack, we had argued that the broken court of Funan at Sri Dharmaraja escaped to South India (Dvaravati: The Last of the Fallen Funan's Court: The Birth of the Pallavas). At the same time, we also argued that the faction of the Funan court ruled by the usurper king Rudravarman was driven out from Ba-Phnom to Prey-Nokor (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla Brotherhood: Funan before the Fall). Evidences also show that under more Chenla attacks, Rudravarman had to escape out of the country to Nan-Tchao. As we shallsee, this faction of the displced court of Funan reformed itself into the new FOUNDATION of the Lao Khun Borom's legacy. Unlike his first occurrence, the Khun Borom of Nan-Tchao left traces of his existence through local tradition or chronicle (Notes: The Records of Khun Borom). We found in the Nan-Tchao chronicle an account of king Si-Nou-Lo (more preisely Mang-Si-Nou-Lo) who, after a family ordeal rose up to become a ruler of Yunnan (HPNT: Ta-Mang-Kouo or Nan-Tchao 13 reigns: Si-Nou-Lo [or Si-Nong-lo]: pp.30-35). Of his background, the Nan-Tchao chronicle relates him to a long lineage of King Ashoka through his grand son Ti-Mang-Siu.
Si-Nou-Lo, also called Tou-Lo-Siao, was a descendant of the 36th generation from Mang-Tsiu-Tou, the fifth son of Ti-Mang-Siu, son of the king A-yu, king of Mo-kie-kouo of India.
In a similar circumstance, we had ARGED that Rudravarman was also a descendant of Ashoka's grand-son named Mang-Sui-Ti whose presence in the Khmer court of Prey-Nokor was well attested in Chinese source (Nokor Khmer: The Three Dynasties: The Reign of King Rudravarman (514-550) and the Srivijaya Dynasty). Connecting Rudravarman to the ancestor of Nan-Tchao's king Si-Nou-Lo sheds light to what was happening during the fall of Funan. During the Chenla uprising, when the coalition force of the Chenla Kings and the Cham aristocrats invaded Prey-Nokor, Rudravarman and his court escaped up north to Nan-Tchao. The Nan-Tchao chronicle also confirms that Si-Nou-Lo and his father Long-Kia-Tou were settling at Nan-Tchao as refugees.
At the beginning of the year tchen-kouan of Tai-tsong of the Tang, his father Cho-mang, also called Long-Kia-Tou, escaped with him from the Ngai-lao and went to the valley of Mang-cho.
The Ngai-laos in the account could then be identified as the Cham aristocrats living among the Lao people who, in a close cooperation with the Chenla Kings drove out King Rudravarman and family deeper into Yunnan. Of his background, continues the chronicle, it did not take long for the contemporary king of Kien-nin-kouo named Tsin-kieou to notice him. Recognizing that he was well connected to the Mauryan Royal House, Tsin-kieou gave him his daughter for marriage and abdicated his own throne for him to reign. It is important to recall back that the legacy of Piao-tsiu-ti and his Maryan side of the Sakyas was strong in Upper Burma and in Yunnan. That explains the immediate regconition of Si-Nou-Lo as a man of merit by the local ruler Tsin-Kieou of Yunnan. Si-Nou-Lo would soon used his prestige to unite neighboring Lao communities into his control to form Ta-Mang-Kouo Kingdom.
The Man Barbarian called a king Tchao. In the past, the country of the Tien counted six Tchao, each one posseced his own territory. Among the six tchaos, that of the Mong family was the most powerful; he succeeded to take over the others of which he united to his own. After that, the country got called only as the Tchao of the south (Nan-Tchao) (HPNT: Au Suject du Terme Nan-Tchao: p. 9)
Supporting the Nantchao chronicle, the Lao tradition had a passage commemorating the rule of King Sihanara at Yunnan in conjunction to the legend of Khun Borom.
King Sihanara succeeded in reuniting the six Lao principalities into one unique kingdom and administration, thus making the kingdom of Nan-Sseu one of the most prosperous kingdoms of the time.
Connecting the two sources together, we come to the conclusion that Sri Nara (of the Nan-Tchao Chronicle) and King Sihanara (of the Lao tradition) was actually the same person or the same ruler of the Mang Dynasty of Yunnan. Of his merit, Sri Nara united the Lao scattered communities into the Kingdom of Nan-Sseu. Unlike his predecessors who received full support from the Sui, he had to face harassment from the new Tang Dynasty due to his foreign background.

According to the Nan-Tchao chronicle, Nan-Tchao got its name because of it was founded by a Tchao of the family Mang. The existence of Tchao-pha among the Tai royal houses, as we had seen, was due to the incursion of the Chao-Yueh-shih following the settlement of Ta-Yueh-Shih in Gangetic India (Champapura: The Cosmogony of Po-Nokor: The Rise of the Yueh-Shih). Nevertheless, evidences show still that the leadership of Nan-Tchao was predominently under the ancient royal house of Piao-Sui-Ti. This was due to the ancient accord between the Han and the Man King Pan-Hou that otherwise set Yunnan under the total control of the Yueh-Shih (Champapura: The Birth of Annam: The Yueh Migration down South).

The Formation of the Greater Mang Kingdom
As many of other Chinese Sources, the Nan-Tchao chronicle referred to the people of Yunnan as the Man barbarians and in some specific occasions as the Miens. Nevertheless, the chronicle still acknowledges (at the time that it was written) a small remnant of the Tian society at Ta-Li, as the ethnic Pai-Min.
We called them A-pai, Pai-eul-tseu, Min-kia-tseu, etc. that is the ancient people of the kingdom of Pai which is the indigenous of the kingdom of Tian. Among them, married women carry umbrella to hide their faces. We called the umbrella "pi-hien". In a ceremony, they eat grounded meat stuffed in a wing; that is called : Che-cheng-yu". Like the Chinese, women wear cloths with lace and wear flowers as ornament and silver earrings. (TCHAO: Au sujet des differentes especes de Barbares indegenes du Nan-Tchao: p.)
The mentioning of an indigenous culture at Yunnan called for an autonomous country of southern Yun of the Tchou Dynasty. It confirms that Yunnan, like the rest of Southern China, was part of the country of the Tians, known in Chinese source as Hiong-Wang (Champapura: The Cosmogony of Po-Nokor: The Development of the Han China). After it was driven south to the present days Southeast Asia, it was the Miens and not the Tians who were to dominate Yunnan from then on. Scholars actually identified the Lolos of Sino-Burman tongue to be actually the dominant groups of Yunnan leading us to believe that they were related to the Mien-Ta-Tok leadership of Yunnan, as described in the ancient Siam chronicle. Joined later by the Kaeo royal of Ho or Mongoloid origin, they were actually remnant of the earlier Mauryan Dynasty of which descended Piao-Tsui-Ti. Despite all the development, it is clear that Yunnan was not made to be a Mien state as strong diversity of both people and leadership continued to shape up the dynamic of political and cultural interchanges of the region. Nevertheless, evidences of Tai Culture already seen spread among valley communities of Yunnan as well as the Shan Country. According to northern Siam tradition, it was the Tai King Suvanna Kahamdeng who did the first spread of the Tai Culture from Day Desa over the Lua people. Through a series of relocation, we have argued that the real Tai communities founded by King Suvanna Kahamdeng, had retracted back into the Yunnan Country where they managed to live separately as distinct Tai communities. The Tai legacy however remained in the South through the Tai Language adopted by the Lao tribesmen that gave the wrong impression of the southern Tai ethnic migration from the North. Nevertheless, the Lao Tradition of the primordial son of the Chief of gods, manifesting along side the advent of the local Khun Borom of Yunnan proved that the Tai Culture was not all originated from the north. Taking place at the heart of the Lao country, the iconic events of king Si-Nou-lo establishing the Ta-Mang Country would reintroduce the Khmer Culture into becoming the Buddhist tradition of the new Lao communities. As we had seen, it was the displaced Khmer King Rudravarman of Prey-No0kor that brought the Khmer Culture to spread in Yunnan. The Mang (Mong in Nan-Tachao chronicle) legacy of the Ashoka's grand-son Mang-sui-ti was very much native of Southeast Asia that it was considered as the second Khmer identity. His work was carried on by his descendant Pi-lo-ko who ascended the Nan-Tchao throne after his father's death in 728. He united six Tchao kingdoms under him and proclaimed himself "Prince of Nan-Tchao" (HPNT: Ta-Mang-Kouo or Nan-Tchao 13 reigns: Pi-lo-ko: pp.37-42). With the support of local rulers, he founded the Nan-Tchao royal house to reproduce the Khmer Culture in Yunnan. As we shall see, The reference of Nan-Tchao owed its orign to the formation of the Greater Mang (Ta-Mang) Kingdom by his descendants. Amid the development, Ko-Lo-Fong found himself in conflict with the Chinese court in regarding the invasion of Kiao-Tche. To recall back, Kiao-Tche had always been the subject to be disputed after the fall of the Hiong-Wang Kingdom, between the Sui Dynasty and the new formed Khmer Court of Prey-Nokor (Prey-Nokor: The Preceptor of Nokor Khmer: Kaundinya and the Nanda Dynasty). The Tang, who took control of China after the Sui Dynasty, appeared at first uncomcerned about the presence of Ta-Mang Kingdom. Only after Ko-Lo-Feng attacked Annam and almost destroyed it that the Tang Emperor decided to act. Pressured by the southern communities who through the Han development shared the same Annamete background and considered themselves as of the same race (BViet: Appendix N: Pi Jih-hsiu and the Nan-Chao War: pp. 345-348), the Tang Emperor ordered his troops to attack Nan-Tchao. In the effort to rescue Annam back into Chinese Control, the Tang extended their support to the Chenla uprising to fight off Ko-Lo-Feng. In the fight, the Siam tradition commemorated the return of Khun Borom to establish the Siam country and his brother Khun Lo to establish Champapura that was actually part of the coordinated return of the fallen Funan court to establish the next Khmer Cakravatin empire.

The Return of Khun Borom
In conjunction of Khun Borom establishing himself at Nan-Sseu, Chinese records started on mentioning about campaigns being conducted deep into the mainland Indochina. Assumably conducted against the last stronghold of the Chenla house, we shall see that they were part of Sri Nara's attempt to take back the Khmer throne from the control of Land-Chenla. The first campaign was apparently disappointing.
The Man rebels once led an army of cavalry as far as the seashore. When they saw the green waves roaring and breaking, they felt disappointed and took their army and went back home.
The Man rebels in the passage were referring to the people of Nan-Tchao who fought in a rebellious campaign against the Tangs. The Shan people who got theirs identity from the Man culture after the Great Flood were referred in Chinese texts as the Mans. As the Miens constituted the majority of their population, the Tibeto-Burman tongue was theirs dominant language. The passage indicates that the Man rebels were disappointed and returned home. The next campaign that was conducted against the city of Nu-Wang and this time met with a strong setback and incurred heavy lost.
The City was Nu-Wang and was located at over 30 day-stages distant from Jin-Nan Chieh-tu of the Man and is 10 day-stages distant from Huan-Chou. They regularly carried on trade with the common people of Huan-Chou. The Man rebels once led 2000 men to attack the kingdom. They were shot down by Nu-Wang with poisoned arrows. Not one in ten survived. The Man rebels then retreated. (JA 46 (Nov. 1958): The early Siam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce.)
Through out tradition, Nu-Wang was in reference to the country of the Queen of the West (Po-nokor). The City of Nu-Wang in the passage could be a reference to Poh-Nam (Ba-Phnom) or the Cham City of Po-Nokor. Again, they were defeated. Another attack, this time to the ancient Khmer (Kun-Lun) kingdom incurred even stronger defeat.
The Kun-Lun kingdom is 81 day-stages from the Man boarders. Products of the land are the dark wood perfume, sandalwood perfume, dark-red sandalwood perfume, betel-nut trees, glazed ware, rock crystal, bottle gourds, unburned brick, etc..., various perfumes and herbs, precious stones, rhinoceros, etc. Once the Man rebels led an army with cavalry to attack it. The (people of) Kun-Lun kingdom left the road open and let them advance. Then they cut the road behind the army and connected it with the river, letting the water cover it. Whether they advanced and retreated, (the Man) were helpless. Over ten thousands died of hunger. Of those who did not die, the Kun-Lun severed the right wrists and let them go home. (JA 46 (Nov. 1958): The early Siam in Burma's History, G.H. Luce)
The passage indicates that the Khmer (Kun-Lun) kingdom was now back under the Chenla kings and was fighting against the Man rebels. By this time, evidences show that the Khmer court of King Jayavarman I already escaped to Druvapura and that Land Chenla came back to take full control of Ba-Phnom (Dvaravati: The Impact of the Chenla Attack: The Last of the Khmer Court at Ba-Phnom). During the fighting, Chinese texts mention that Chenla had made alliance with Thsan Pan and Tchu-Krang, but fought with Lin-yi and Tai-Yuan. It indicates that Lin-yi (Prey-Nokor) was not part of Champapura and along with Tai-Yuan fought alongside the Funan kings against the Chenla court. Considering that Land Chenla was in a close relationship with the Tang, setting its headquarters at the north was seen as a good strategy to receive help from the Chinese court. Tsan Pan could be a country located at Dien-Bien-Bhu that was at the time under the control of Annam (Notes: The Location of Thsan Pan). on the other hand, Chu Krang could be another southern commanding post of the Tang, On the Man rebel's side, Tai-Yuan could be identified as a place where the descendants of Rudravarman was taking refuge and still maintained control during the conflict with the Tang. The Man rebels did not win over the Land Chenla as their attacks were mostly defeated and forced to withdraw with high casualty. Despite the loss of all the battles inside the mainland Indochina, the Man rebels apparently won the war. The Lao tradition' s next claim was the appointment by Khun Borom of his seven sons to take hold at the most Southern Indochinese cities.
After a prosperous reign of twenty-five years, Khun Borom appointed his seven sons to rule over the Tai world: The eldest to Luang Prabang, and the others to Siang Khwang, Lavo-Ayudhya, Xiang-Mai, the Sipsong-Pan-Na, Hamsavati, and Champapura. (HThai: The Beginning of Thai History: The Tai Village and Muang: p. 10)
Since the locations indicated in the legend spread out pretty much on the mainland Indochina, scholars were quick to interpret the story as the outbreak of the Tai migration down south into the mainland of Indochina. As indicated in the passage, it was the sons of khun Borom who were spreading themselves back over the Funan' s territory and had no connection whatsoever with the migration of the Tai people.

The Annamete Affair
During the early stage of the Tang Dynasty, the refugee court of Sri Nara managed to carve himself a niche at Yunnan and started his campaign down south against the Land-Chenla. The lucky break came when the empress Wu of China proclaimed herself in 690 AD her own Chou Dynasty (BViet: The Protectorate of An-nam: Mai-Thuc-Loan: p. 190). His fate changed when the Tang took back the power at 705 AD. In no time, Sri Nara found himself at odd again with the interference of the Tang Court. Even though he managed at first to make peace with the new court, he already made a preparation for an escape south. The Lao tradition mentions about the next move of Khun Borom to the south against Annam.
Khun Borom Rajathiraj, the ruler of Nan-Sseu kingdom mindful of the power of China and its perpetual desire to invade the kingdom of Nan-Sseu was clever enough to never relax his vigilance over the ties of friendship he had with China. His distrust of China prompted him in the year 1249 BE (731 AD) to build a new city in a locality known as Thong-Na-Oi-Nu.
Thong-Na-Oi-Nu of the passage was identified as Dien-Bien-Phu or Xiang-theng in Lao tradition that was known as a locality with a deep past legacy of the ancient Hiong-Wang Kingdom, but became now part of Annam. The Lao tradition claims that the founder of Lan-xang Khun Lo along with his descendants would resume their heritage on their own until the advent of Khun Fa Gnum in fourteenth Century (Nokor Champa and the Lao Kingdom of Lang-xang: The establishment of Lan-xang: The origin of Fa Ngum). Nevertheless, we found no support to the Lao' s claim from the Annamete side of the story. Of its own account, Annamese recalled the exploit of an obscure figure named Mai-Thuc-Loan that connects him to Khun Lo of the Lao Tradition.
In 722, Mai-Thuc-Loan allied the people of thirty two provinces, as well as contingents from Lin-yi (Prey-Nokor), Chenla and Chin-lin (Nokor Rajasima of the Khorat plateau) and other unnamed kingdoms; calling himself the Black Emperor, presumably because of his dark complexion, he led a multitude numbering four hundred thousand and seized all of Annam. (BViet: The Protectorate of Vietnam: p. 192)
It is important to note that the title emperor is a Chinese reference to a Samraj and in this case it was meant to be a Rajadhiraja of a cakravatin empire. It indicates that Mai-Thuc-Loan, also known as the Black Emperor, already proclaimed himself as a cakravatin monarch that explain why he could recruits his troupes from Prey-Nokor, the Khorat Plateau and other countries that made alliance with him. As we shall see, indigenous tribesmen of Yunnan including the Tai tribesmen of northern Vietnam also joined into the campaign against Annam. During the assault, the rulers of Annam escaped to the north but soon returned with massive recruits to fight with the Black Emperor. In a surprise attack, they took back Annam and established their own control over the country. The corpses of the Black Emperor and his followers were piled up to form a huge mound. His exploit however was so extensive. His strong status in eastern Nan-Tchao down to the Khorat Plateau and Prey-Nokor (as witnessed by the Annamete account) conveys to us that he was leading the Khmer consortium of Sri Vijaya in the final campaign against the Land-Chenla and the Tang Dynasty of China. At the same time that Chinese source started to mention the formation of Huang-wang at Prey-Nokor, inscriptions also convey the reign of king Rudravarman as the start of a new lineage at Champapura. His reign is full of obscurity as his name was known only because of an embassy that he sent to China in 749 AD (ISSA: The Rise of Sri Vijaya: Southern Champa or Huang Wang, pp. 94-95). His presence in Prey-Nokor at the time that the Black Emperor attacked Annam led us to believe that they were the same legendary Khun Borom of the Lao tradition. His crown title Rudravarnman was obviously inherited from his displaced ancestor Rudravarman I of Prey-Nokor during the Chenla uprising (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla Brotherhood: The Chenla Uprising). His defeat at Annam explains why his next successor Prithivindravarman had to abandon his ambitious claim on Kiao-Tche altogether and moved down to secure his position at Prey-Nokor instead. In a twist of fate, the Tangs started to face their own dilemma as uprisings of all fronts arose against them. Taking the opportunity of the Tang's decline, the Mang court of Yunnan strengthened its position at Yunnan and started to incurse themselves in the politic of Southeast Asia. Its intervention back home allowed the Khmer consortium to continue on its fight against the Cham occupation.

Indra was one of the prominent Hindu gods from the early phase of the Vedic era and had played important roles in both Hindu and Buddhist cosmogony. In association to the Shang dynasty of China, Indra's intervention did not stop after the fall of the latter by the Tchou Dynasty. Under Brahmanism, Indra became the true ruler of both earth and heaven. In Southeast Asia, the emergence of new Indra lineage was going to change the course of the regional history. In a close connection with the Sri Vijaya, the Sailendra kings emerged as the dominant rulers of the future Khmer Empire. This connection lead us to believe that they were originated from the same line of kings of Bengal where Mahayana Buddhism was in full bloom and was taught at the University of Nalanda.

The Pala and the Rise of Mahayana Buddhism
In South India where the old legacy of Vishnuite practices stayed strong, the settlement of the Pallavas was met with heavy resistance from local royal houses. In contrast, no such skirmish was found during the formation of the Pala court at Bengal. Its history had been wrongly connected to the arrival of the Kambujas in Gangetic India, but our study shows instead a close connection with the Nanda of Southeast Asia. Scholars agreed that the word "Pala" was a derivative of the Sanskrit word "Bala" or "Baal" and was referencing to the Nanda legacy of the Xiang branch of the Naga King Choladhara of the Shan Country (Nagadvipa: The Visit of Buddha Gautama: Pandaranga). Consistent with the rise of the Nanda's line of king, the next emergence of the Palas was not flashy, but rather obscure in a situation that was full of commotion (AInd: North India 650-800 AD: Nagabhata and Pulakesiraja: The Rise of the Palas: 267). During the late Gupta Empire, confusion and chaos brought the Maghadhan Empire into decline. By defeating Susthitas-varman who was the father of Prabhaskara-varman, on the bank of the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra), Mahasenagupta hoped to maintain the Gupta's glory days intact. Instead, he met with a great calamity and appeared to have lost both his life and his kingdom. His two sons Kumara-gupta and Madhva-gupta took refuge in Thanesswar whose king Prabhakara-Varadhana was his near relation. The two young princes became great friends of Rajya-Varadhana (Raja-Varadhana in Sanskrit) and Harsha-Varadhana. With their help, Madhavagupta became king of Maghadha. His son Adityasena later gained sufficient power to declare himself Samraj in 675 AD. Connecting him to Southeast Asia, he could be identified as Sri Sundarapakram of the inscription of Ayudhya whose presence in SRi Dharmaraja was in a close association to the presence of the Sailendra branch in the Sri Vijayan court. We also identified him as the ancestor of Baladitya who through circumstances became connected to the foundation of the Khmer Empire at Prey-Nokor. The inscription of Pre-Rup (Inscription Du Cambodge: La Stele de Foundation du Pre-Rup: P. 106) commemorated the prince Baladitya as a descendant of Kaundinya and the Nagi princess and was mentioned to reside at Lavo (Aninditapura). We know by now how Adityasena found himself a Samavata and in the process declared himself as a Samraj. By this time, evidences show that the Chenla uprising already winding down and that both the Champa and the Land-Chenla courts were in the process of moving out from the mainland Indochina to Java (The Chenla Empire: The Fall of Chenla: The last of the Land Chenla's Court). Consolidation appeared to take hold with the initiative of Baladityasena with the support of both the late Gupta court of Maghadha and the Harsha court of Kanauch. After the death of Sasanka, Bengal had lost all political solidarity as it was conquered by Harsha Varadhana and Prabhakara-Varadhana of Kamarupa. At the beginning of the eight century, a king of the Saila dynasty made himself king of Northern Bengal. His name was Yasovarman whose connection with the Sailendra could be later verified with a descendant of his taking control of the Angkorean Empire. His exploit however was met a set back due to the betrayal of his long time ally Lalitaditya, the king of Kashmir. His rule that lasts until 740 AD however had paved the way for other Varman kings to build their Buddhist Empire at Manipura. Apparently, the people later on elected one of them as the ruler of the whole kingdom, under the name of Gopala. Unfortunately, no details of his personal background and exploit are available to us. As his name Gopala (Go-bal) was meant to be the guardian of the cow, we believe that he was a member of the Nanda dynasty. Like his ancestor Baladitya, he drew his line from the SomaKaundinya dynasty. After his death at 780 AD, his successor Dharmapala (775-810) brought unity to northern India and was recognized in later literature as the Lord of North India. Dharmapala was well known of his patronage for Buddhism and the building of the Vikramasila University that rivaled the establishment of Nalanda was well credited to him. His son and successor, king Devapala (810-850) continued his father's work and was also known as a great patron of Budhhism. It is said that one of his sons Balaputra who was then residing at the court of the Sailendra had a monastery built for him in the thirty-ninth year of his reign. To support the monastery, Devapala offered many villages as donation (ISSA: Foundation of the Kingdom of Angkor; the Sailendra in Sumatra: The Sailendras in Java and Sumatra from 813 to 863). The most glorious period of the Pala history appeared to meet its end after the reign of Devapala. At the same time we see that the Sailendra dynasty already moved its hard core of Buddhism to Sri Dharmaraja where it flourished through out the next Angkorean era.

Sri Sundarapakrama and the Birth of the Sailendra
The inscription of Ayudhya was actually the only known inscription so far found in the history of Dvaravati. It started the genealogy of the Naga powerhouse from king Bhagadatta (The Inscription of Ayudhya: Introduction: The Historical Background). From its early foundation, we had argued that the Naga king was always present in Khmer-Mon tradition, The last time that we had seen a relationship developed between the two royal houses was the arrival of Kaundinya from Magadha and his settlement at Prey-Nokor. After marrying a daughter of the Naga King, he was awarded to rule over Lavo and there were indications that members of his court also were present at Kedah during the Chenla's attack. After an elapse of time, the inscription starts to mention a new line of king that apparently had no relationship whatsoever with its predecessor.
Then was Sri Sundarapakrama who brought prosperity to the Kula family of Chandra, with the battle name (Yudharanama) as Sri Sundaryvarman Kantanya Udaya and the hero name (Varanama) as "athik saktaya" (The great saktaya), son of Sri Madvapura. (The Inscription of Ayudhya: Translation: Lines 7-10)
It is clear that Sri Sundarapakrama was not local to the Menam Valley and was mentioned as a Sakya. He was referred as a son of Sri Madvapura whom we shall identify as no other than Madhavagupta. According to Indian History (AInd: Later Guptas), Madhavagupta reigned at Magadha during the last part of the seventh century and we have the reason to believe that he was the same Pala king of Bengal, Devapala. He was apparently sent to Southeast Asia by his father to start on a new venture at Dvaravati and the emergence of the Sailendra court might had been the outcome. As explained next, he came to bring prosperity to the Chandra Family, which as we remember it right, was the same as the Kaundinya family exiled from the Chandragupta II's court. The elapse of time is consistent with the fall of the Khmer Empire under the attack of the Chenla clan. Subdued by the Chenla attacks they were very much beaten and Sundaraprakrama had been requested to bring up the Kaundinya family back to prosperity and at the same time restore the Khmer Empire. A Chinese text mentioned that Dvaravati and its cultural center Takkola was ruled by king Vibala who was a good match for Baladitya. Po-lo-ti-po that is mentioned by the Chinese as the capital of the king name 'Po-lo' was obviously referring to Baladityapura. In correlation with the inscription of Ayudhya, we shall identify that Baladitya mentioned in the Inscription found on the foundation of the temple of Pre-rup (Inscription du Cambodge: La Stele de foundation of Pre-Rup, George Coedes) was no other than Sundarapakrama. In the same inscription, Baladitya is quoted to be a direct descendant of Kaundinya and the nagi Soma who were considered later by the Angkorian kings, as their common ancestors. One of his successors, a certain Naripaditya who left a Sanskrit inscription in western Cochin China might have been the same person. The inscription is undated but it may go back to the late seventh or the beginning of the eighth century. As we shall see, their first task was about to build up the Sailendra Dynasty with the help of the Sanjaya court at Central Java. According to the inscription of Kalasan, the next monarch, Panangkaran, who ruled in 778 had claimed connection with the Sailendra Dynasty (History of Indonesia: Kalasan Inscription of the Saka year 700, B.R. Chatterji).
In the prosperous reign of the king (Panamkarana), the best of the Sailendra Dynasty, the temple of Tara was constructed by the pious guru of the Sailendra kings.
From the inscription of Kalasan, we also know that Panangkaran founded a sanctuary dedicated to the Buddhist goddess Tara in honor of his guru and dedicated the village Calasa to the temple.
When seven centuries in the era of the Saka king had elapsed, the Maharaja Panamkarana built the temple of Tara in honor of his guru.
Another Sailendra king with the crown name of Sangramadhananjaya, a guru from Gaudi (Western Bengal) named Kumaraghosha consecrated in Kelurak, not far from Kalasan, an image of Bodhisattva Manjusri. Since the erection of the Kalasan inscription was in 778 AD, scholars postulated that Panangkara was a second descendant in the Sanjaya's lineage (ISSA,George Coedes).

The Establishment of the Court of Lawasangharatha
Among the list of states ruled by the seven sons of Khun Borom, We know that Lavo-Ayudhya had already been under the control of the Water Chenla Court since the early uprising. At the same time, we know that Xiang-Mai was also conquered and was reinstated as the capital of Syam. On the mission of Tchan Sun and Wang Kiun Tching to Chih-tu, the history of Sui provide further information about its court.
The family name of the king of Chih-tu is Chu Tan, and his personal name is Li-fo-shi. To what period the history of the ancestors of this prince dates back we do not know. We are told only that his father, having abandoned the throne to become a monk, transmitted to him the royal position, a position he has held for sixteen years. This king Li-fu-to-hsi has three wives, all of whom are daughters of the gates of which are about a hundred paces apart. On each of these gates, wreathed with small gold bells, are painted Bodhisattvas and immortals soaring in the air.
Scholars agree that the Chinese word "Li-fo-shi" or "Li-fu-to-hsi" is the transcription of Sri Vijaya implicating that Lawasangharatha was a Sri Vijayan king. His family name Chudam (Chu Tam in the Chinese Text) is consistent with the Chudammani's legacy of Sri Vijayan court (The End Time: The Last of Meru Kingdon: The Kamboj Society of South Asia). According to the Chinese source, the anointed king soon left the throne to his son named Li-fo-shi (indicating that he was also a member of the Sri Vijayan kings) and entered into monk-hood. The history of Sui moreover provides elaborate description about the state affair of the new court after its formation.
The buildings of the palace have only one story. All the doors are on the same level and face north. The throne, raised on a three step high platform, also faces north. The king appears there, dressed in a robe the color of a rising sun. His cap is adorned with golden flowers and pendants of precious stones. Four young girls stand at his side. His guards were numbered more than a hundred. Behind the throne is a sort of large niche made of five kinds of aromatic wood encrusted with gold and silver, at the back of which is suspended a disk with rays of gold in the form of flames. On each side of the royal platform are placed two large metallic mirrors; in front of each of these mirrors is a vase of gold, and in front of each vase is an incense burner, also of gold. At the foot of the platform is a recumbent golden ox, sheltered by a canopy, and, in addition, some very valuable fan.
From the description, we get the impression that the palace was built to accommodate a big audience and highly decorated. The court hall was big enough to seat hundreds of Brahmans and many more of court officials.
Hundreds of Brahmans, seated in two rows facing each other on the right and left of the platform, attend the royal audience. The high dignitaries, charged with collectively handling the affairs of the kingdom, consist of a first minister with the title sa-to-chia-lo, two officers with the title to-na-ta, and three other assistants with the title chia-li-mi-chia. The repression of crime is specifically entrusted to a great magistrate with the title chiu-lo-mo-ti. Finally, each town is placed under the authority of two principal mandarins called na-ya-chia and po-ti.
Clearly, the Chinese account conveys that Lawasangharatha was a powerful country. It correlates to the fact that Xiang-Mai became later part of Lawaratha or Lavo, one of the cardinal states of Angkor. The Xiang-Mai Chronicle completes the story of Anuruddha establishing the court of Lawasangharatha by requesting Lord Indra for help (CMC: The Lineage of King Lawasangharat: p. 5). Indra then invited a son of gods named Lawacakradevaputta to come ruling over Xiang-Mai. With all myths set aside, we believe that the king Lawasangkarat was actually belonging to Sri Vijaya court of Khedah. That was because Lord Indra whom Anuruddha requested the leadership of Lawasangharatha was the god king of both the Pala and the Sailendra courts of the time. As we had see, the two courts had join in the Khmer consortium of the Sri Vijaya that became since the driving force for the establishment of the Angkorean empire. According to the Chiang-Mai chronicle, a long lineage of the Lao kings was drawn mostly from father to son and all the succession seamed to be peaceful.

According to the northern Siam Tradition, it was the legendary Khun Borom's seven sons who moved down from Yunnan to establish localities that proved to be on the habitable dried land of Indochina. Historical facts however show that it was actually Anuruddha who, continuing the works of his ancestor Bhavavarman, built Lavo-Ayudhya, Hamsavati and Xiang-Mai. Furthermore, we shall see that it was the Khmer consortium of the Sri Vijaya and Sailendra that restarted the Khmer Empire at Champapura (Prey-Nokor). It conveys that the Lao mythology of Khun Borm and Khun Lo was actually based on the legacies of the Sri Vijaya and the Sailendra dynasties. Of its own account, the Khmer tradition completes the myth by having the Devavamsa and the Ketomala Kings establishing the Angkorean Empire under the God Kingship of Paramaesvara and Tribhuvanaditya.

Indrapura as the Birth Place of the Khmer Empire
The Arab account about the Javanese raid mentions that it was not the intention of the king of Zabag to take back the Khmer kingdom. Evidences however show of different intention from the Javanese court as theirs campaign had reduced drastically the Khmer control over Prey-Nokor. Many more raids conducted by Java along the eastern coast of Indochina were by all means the carry-on of this Javanese policy. Up north, a short block of inscription found at Mi-son (BEFEO II: Notes d' epigraphy de Champa: Bloc inscrit de Mi-son, M.L. Finot) indicates that at 791, a king named Harivarmandeva was reestablishing the God King Isanabhadrresvara at the ancient site of Champapura. It was among the rare inscriptions in Cham language found in Prey-Nokor. Judging from his coronation name, Harivarman was a Vishnuite and a member of the Javanese court and was obviously trying to reestablish back the control over Champapura. The move prompted Indravarman I to take action to prevent Harivarman from establishing himself at Mi-son. After sending an embassy to China in 793, Indravarman then moved his capital to Dong-Duong in 799. Due to the lack of concrete sources, we could not speculate on how the campaign was proceeded, but we know for sure that it was a hostile move that marked the end of the Cham's rule at Champapura once for all. Many inscriptions (BEFEO II: Notes d'epigraphy de Champa: Steles de Dong-Duong, M.L. Finot) confirmed that Indrapura, located on the site of Dong-Duong, was in fact the new capital of Prey-Nokor. We shall see that Jayavarman II of the Angkorean Empire was brought up in this city before he went on to found Harihalaya at the Angkorean site. The next Khmer King Haravarman I who succeeded his brother-in-law Indravarman I around 802 continued on securing the northern frontier of his kingdom. In 803 he launched a successful expedition in the Chinese province, but in 809 he had to renew his campaign there with less success. At the mean time, evidence show that Prey-Nokor continued on receiving attacks from Java until Jayavarman II decided to move the center of the Khmer Empire in land out of the harm way, to its actual site of today. After Angkor was formed, Champapura became its cardinal state and the next king under the crown name of Prithivindravarman was no other than a maternal uncle of Jayavarman III. His son, ascending the Angkorean throne in 877, received the crown name of Indravarman II. Prithivindravarman was a Buddhist devotee and erected the great temple of Dong-Duong known in the inscription as Laksmindralokesvara, the first known temple of Mahayana Buddhism in Champa. With the merit of his ascetic and intelligence, the inscription continues, Indravarman won the throne of Champa in 875 AD. The inscription also mentions about the linga of Cambhu, undoubtedly Cambhubhadresvara that was the god king of Cambhupura. Its origin dated back since the early reign of king Bhadravarman of Prey-Nokor whom we had identified as Kaundinya or the legendary Prah Thong during the early Khmer Kingdom at Prey-Nokor (Notes: The origin of the linga Cambhubhadresvara). At the time of his coronation at Champapura, Indravarman brought the linga that was previously residing in Malaya to Champapura. It confirms that Indravarman was belonged to the Malay court of Kedah where the linga was residing before it was moved. He sent an embassy to China in 877. At his death he received the posthumous name of Paramabudhaloka. From an inscription found at the temple of Dong Duong (BEFEO IV: Notes d'Epigraphy: Premire Stele de Dong Duong, M.L. Finot), his son and successor Jaya Indravarman ascended the throne of Champa in 875. The inscription also provides a clue about his humble legitimacy to the throne of Champapura that was mostly by his own merit and not by inheritance.
The King Sri Jaya Indravarman Maharajadhiraja who by the perfection of his asceticism from many lives, had come to the sovereignty of Champa by favor of his destiny.
In the inscription, he declared himself as a maharaja adhiraja, the title of a cakravatin monarch. It indicates that Jaya Indravarman also ascended the Angkorean throne soon after. It led us to believe that he was the same as Indravarman II who reigned at Angkor in 877, after the reign of Jayavarman III. The finding could be a confirmation that Indravarman II would not be legitimate to ascend the throne of Champapura, if Jayavarman III did produce a heir of his own. His title "Jaya Indravarman" reflects the merge of the "Indra" legacy of the Sailendra to the "Jaya" god king of Angkor. By now, the coalition of the two powerhouses was becoming the core of the Khmer court that led to the next appearance of the Angkorean Cakravatin Empire. It was how Champapura became one of the Angkorean cardinal states along with Sri Dhamaraja and Lavo. The next coalition between the Sailendra and the Sanjaya court of Java would bring the Chenla legacy of the God King Isanabhadrasvara to join and to complete the Cakravatin foundation of Angkor. During all the time, Champa stayed close to Angkor as the capital of Prey-Nokor. The next ruler was Jaya Simhavarman I, for whom we have only two dates, 898 and 903, given by the inscriptions that deal with the erection of statues of apotheosis made during the reign.

Aninditapura as the Birthplace of the Next Angkorean Power Elite
Many Khmer inscriptions indicate the emergence of Aninditapura as one of Southeast Asia communities that had important role to play in the formation of the Angkorean Empire (Notes: Aninditapura). The mentioning of Aninditapura alone does not provide any clue since it is no longer subsisted and as we shall argue, became known as Lavo. Its existence as witnessed in inscriptions was prominent but for a short time during the early formation of Angkor. As many other pre-Angkorean cities, Aninditapura had its name overlaid through out its history by the dynamic of cultural and political changes. The Inscription of Stok Kak Thom makes a reference to a family of the Brahman Sivakaivalia coming from Aninditapura and specified that it was "tem srok Satagrama krong Bhavapura". The reference indicates that Bhavapura was a city (krong) of Aninditapura and as we had identified Bhavapura as Lavo, we could deduct that Aninditapura or Lavo was named after the dynasty of the Chenla King Bhavavarman's descendant, Anuruddha (Anuratha). Prior to the Chenla take-over, it was no other than Dvaravati that was centered at Lavo and extending itself over Xian-mai. The Brahman Sivakaivalia, as we shall see, became the first Angkorean priest to perform the cult of Deveraja. The Inscription of Kauk Prin Crum (K92), mentioning about the origin of an illustrated family, also from Aninditapura to serve in the Angkorean court. The inscription also connects Aninditapura to "sresthavarna santanagatatih vraislapura", a reference to the ancient city of Shrestha of naga family at the betel forest country. The illustrated family was perhaps the family members of the Brahman Sivakaivalia and the betel forest country was always known as the homeland of the Paramgurus (The Construction of Angkor Wat:The Dependency of the Siam Country: The crack-down on Xiang-Mai). Another inscription also gives the following reference "bhagavata sruk santoma praman anin(ditapura)", suggesting that Aninditapura was a vicinity (praman) of "bhagavata sruk santoma". Bhagavata or the abode of Bhaga might be a reference to Ayudhya where another Khmer inscription mentions to be the abode of Guchanaga with its ruler named Bhagadatta. All these indications pointed-out that Aninditapura was no other than the Angkorean reference to Dvaravati of the Southern Siam country. Before the formation of Angkor, it was then known as Sri Ksettra that included both Xiang-Mai and Ayudhya. Continuing the tradition of Prey Sla (Betel Nut)'s legacy, Aninditapura was not only the home land of the illustrated family members of future Angkorean court but also was the birthplace of the next generation of the Parama kings. Lined from the Adityavamsa of Prah Thong and the Nagi Princess, they included the first Devaraja kings and later the famous Angkorean temple builders, known in Khmer Tradition as Prah Ketomala. The first of the line was Jayavarman II who, according to the inscription of Sdoc Kak Thom, brought the Khmer court in land and established Amarindrapura at mount Kulen (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The ketomala Dynasty). During his early years, says the inscription (Le Cambodge: Le Temple de Sdok Kak Thom, Aymonier, p.248), the Khmer court was still in disarray and under the harassment from Java. Jayavarman II performed the Deveraja cult to sustain the Khmer unity and elevated the new Empire to the level of a Cakravatin empire. Evidences however show that it was not an isolated event and that the formation of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire, as we shall see, was already started at Prey-Nokor. Evidences moreover show that princely authorities were already established into Central Cambodia and perhaps in the Angkorean region, long before Jayavarman II did. Many inscriptions already convey the presence of princes or rulers, ancestors of the early Angkorean kings, on whom the genealogies confer the title of king. They were apparently the rulers of various principalities into which central and lower Cambodia were divided. Even though we do not know exactly who they were and what dates should be attributing to their start-up, we nevertheless assume that they were from the broken Khmer court of Funan and were returning after the fall of the Land Chenla. By the time, we shall see that the restoration of the Khmer Kingdom at Prey-Nokor already started at Dong-Duang by King Prithivindravarman. A senior queen, Jyeshtharya, grand daughter of Nripendradevi and great grand daughter of King Indraloka (Indravarman as referred by his posthumous name), made an endowment at Sambor in 803. She was in high probability belonged to the same Khmer court of Prey-Nokor that was already formed as a Cakravatin Empire. New findings point out that Jayavarman II himself belonged to the Khmer court of Indrapura and came to found Amrapura not by himself but with many other members of the court of Aninditapura.

The Reconstruction of the Khmer Empire at Prey-Nokor
After the last Cham kings were driven out from the mainland, both Prey-Nokor and Champapura were ruled by the Khmer dynasty. From 758 AD onward, Chinese texts stop mentioning about Lin-yi and substitute it with Huan-Wang. The Chinese word "Huan-Wang", meaning the Ring Kingdom (or more forcefully the Ring Empire) is the reference to a Cakravatin Empire. At the same time, inscriptions started to commemorate the reign of Varman kings at the site of Prey-Nokor. The first king of the line was Prithivindravarman. His posthumous name of Rudraloka reveals connection to the late King Rudravarman. This is the first time that we see a posthumous name used to commemorate a king after his death in the court of Prey-Nokor, a tradition that was becoming quite common for Khmer future kings. In consistency with the cult of Devaraja (The Angkorean Empire: The Cult of Devaraja), the use of posthumous names was part of a Cakravatin tradition. Centered at the site of the ancient city of Pandaranga or Virapura that retained the Khmer legacy since the era of Nokor Phnom, Huan-Wang was meant to resuscitate back the ancient legacy of Varadhana 's establishment. As expected, this post-Chenla development was not done without incidences (ISSA: The Rise of Sri Vijaya: Java: Sanjaya and the Buddhist Sailendra: p. 91). A short time later, Virapura was subjugated by the first Javanese raid in 774, says the Sanskrit inscription of Po Nagar. The inscription describes the strange attackers as foreigners, coming by ships to ravage the coastal regions of Prey-Nokor.
Men living on food more horrible than cadavers, frightful, completely black and gaunt, dreadful and evil as death came in ships.
The description matches perfectly the natives of Southern islands in general, but might specifically referring to people from Java where the ousted Chenla Court was taking refuge. According to scholars, Vietnamese source also mentions that bands from Java (She-po) and Kun-Lun (Khmer) attacked Annam. Nevertheless, the mentioning that some of the bands were from Kun-Lun (Khmer) gives us clue that this specific attack from Java was not part of the same campaign against the Khmer establishment of Prey-Nokor. It was instead originated by the Sri Vijaya in the effort of safeguarding its joint venture with the Khmer court. Also it is telling us that both sides were engaging in a deathly conflict. A passage of an Arab account mentions about a feud between a young Khmer king and the ruler of Java that ends with the death of the Khmer monarch (JA: L'Empire Sumatranais de SriVijaya, Gabriel Ferrand).
A young king of Komara (Khmer), with no specific name mentioning, went on insulting the king of Zabag (java). Ignoring the advice of his high court, he went on expressing out-loud the wish to have the Zabag king's head presented to him on a plate.
the Zabag king was no other than the Javanese king who was likely a member of last consortium of the Cham and the Land-Chenla court of Ho-Ling. With the support of the Indian Cholan powerhouse, they were able to regroup themselves in the southern site of Java and went out to take control of the whole Java. As the fight between him and the Khmer kings continued, he was in no mood to receive such foolish insult from his enemy. At the contrary, he must to have been looking for any opportunity to retaliate against the Khmer court. According to the Arab account, the Khmer King would soon regret his arrogance for not listening to his court's advice and to make the matter worst, for insisting on insulting publicly the Javanese king. Driven by a need to get revenge and to build up his own prestige, the Javanese king was eager for the punitive campaign against the new Khmer court of Prey-Nokor. After a careful preparation, he led himself the whole campaign and the attack of the Khmer court was successful as planned. According to the Arab's source, the young Khmer King was captured and was killed instantly. His head was decapitated and was brought to Java on a plate, the exact opposite way of what he had wished for. Judging from the fact that the first Javanese raid was conducted against Virapura in 767, the Khmer king in the Arab story might have been a son of Prithivindravarman. The next king to ascend the Khmer throne was Satyavarman who, as a son of Prithivindravarman's sister, was crowned to succeed his uncle's slain son. After repelling the Javanese attack in 774, Satyavarman built a new sanctuary of Mi-son in 784 and received the posthumous name of Isvaraloka.

  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. Cam: The Cambodge, by E. Aymonier
  3. CMC: The Xiang-Mai Chronicle, by David K. Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo
  4. HThai: Thailand A short history, David K. Wyatt
  5. ASiam1: Annales du Siam, Premier Partie, Translated by Camille Notton
  6. HLao:History of Laos, Maha Sila Viravong, Translated by the U.S. Joint Publications research Service
  7. HPNT: Histoire particuliere du Nan-Tchao, by Yang Chen, Translated by Camille Sainson
  8. BViet:The Birth of BViet, by Keith Weller Taylor
  9. HPNT: Histoire particuliere du Nan-Tchao, by Yang Chen, Translated by Camille Sainson
  10. SSBA:The Shan State and the British Annexation, by Sao SaiMang Mangrai
  11. RBRP:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago AD 671-695, by I-Tsing, Translated by J. Takakusu
  12. Funan: BEFEO III: Le Funan, by Paul Pelliot
  1. Chronology:
    2070-1600 BC: Xia Dynasty; Buddha Gautama ordained four Lawa monks; 543 BC: Buddha passed into Maha Parinibbana; 605: Raid over Champapura by the Sui Dynasty; 607: Tchan Sun and Wang Kiun Tching, two diplomats of the Sui's court visited Chih-tu, Lawasangharatha (Seng-Tche) declared to be part of Chenla; 618: Fall of the Sui Dynasty to the Tang; 618-907: Tang Dynasty; 638: Lawasankharatha (Seng-Tche) sent if first embassy to the Tang court; 649-674: The reign of Si-Nou-lo (Nan-Tchao); 675: Adityasena declared himself Samraj; 722: Mai-Thuc-Loan attacked Annam; 729: Khun Borom ruled over Naong-sae; 731: Khun Borom established Thong-Na-Oi-Nu (Dien-Bien-Phu); 748-778: Ko-Lo-Fong ruled over Ta-Mang-Kouo; 758: Establishement of a Cakravatin Empire (Huang-wang) at Virapura of Prey-Nokor (Lin-yi); 750: Rashtrakuta Dandidurga overthrown the Chalukya and Invaded Kanchi; 767: Javanese raid on Khmer establishment; 774: Virapura was subjugated by Javanese raid; 778: Panangkara of Sailendra Dynasty ruled over Central Java; 778-808: Yi-Meou-Sin ruled over Ta-li-Kouo; 793: Indravarman established Dong-doung; 802: Jayavarman II established Hariharalaya at Angkor;
  2. Thammila vs Lawa
    The use of the word "Thammila" instead of "Lawa" reflects a late authorship of the chronicle. The publisher Dr. Hans Penth opined that the manuscript was originally written in the time of King Tilok in the late fifteen-century. Perhaps many accounts were retrieved from older version of Xiang-mai history, the account of the ordination of the Lawa tribesmen by Bhuddha Gautama appeared to be altered to reflect the late authorship of the chronicle.
  3. The Seng-Tche Slaves
    The discussion of the Seng-Tche slaves led scholars to the association of Seng-Tche to Seng-ki or the country of the Zendj, the Arab reference to Africa. Our assumption is that Xiang-Mai was after the Great Flood a contact point of Southeast Asia with the outside world through sea navigation. Evidences show that the Egyptian Pharaos Ku-Fu (Sri Kambu in Sanskrit) who built the pyramid of Giza was a native of this country (Kamboja Desa: The Kamboj Legacy: The Identity of Sri Kambu). By then, the sea venture of his ancestors who were known as the Malay Polynesians had already reached Africa and to the least extend America.
  4. The Tai Mythology
    Found in the Old Testament of the Abrahamic schools, most of the myths were proved to be sourced from real history originated from Southeast Asia. Compiled to fit into religious framework that served the western world the core of its religious beliefs. The story was compiled by Tai scholars and was spread in YUnnan and in northern Siam countries to the Lao people, by members of the Tai court of various Tai leadership (The Sakadvipa: The Tai Incursion: King Suvanna Kahamdeng and the Formation of Nararatha). From the Tai Mythology, we shall argue that Lao scholars created their own version to fit their own environment and history. It became since the source of inspiration for the new Lao identity as a reflection of the Tai Culture brought from the west.
  5. The Records of Khun Borom
    The Lao account of Khun Borom could be checked out by the Nan-Tchao chronicle about the establishment of Ta-Mang-Tche (Nan-Tchao) by Mang-Si-Nou-la (Sihanara in Lao tradition). There were some deviations between the two sources since the Lao account was compiled in the form of a religious myth while the Nan-Tchao Chronicle was written as a history. Nevertheless, historical facts could be drewn out from the Lao source (with proper reference to the Nan-Tchao Chronicle) to relate Khun Borom to a line of kings ruling over Yunnan.
  6. The Location of Thsan Pan
    We came across of the location of Tsan-pan in the Chinese account of Funan.
    The Funan was at one side bordered at the west by the kingdom of the Pe-teou (white head) that was located itself at the southwest of Thsan Pan. During the split of Chenla, the Land-Chenla that was called also Wen-tan, was bordered at the northwest by the same country of Thsan pan. (Camb: Le Funan: L'identification de Funan: P.366) The country of Pe-teou of the White head people was undoubtedly located at Dien-Bien-Bhu where archeology unearthed the Dong-sun culture. It was actually the country that the Lao tradition attributed Khun Lo, the son of Khun Borom to rule before he was driven out by the Vietnamese (Xiang-Mai: The Nan=Tchao 's Connection: Khun Lo, the Son of Khun Borom).
  7. The Uprising of the Tai Tibesmen
    Apparently the Tai tribesmen of the north took the opportunity to free themselves, but were met with tough resistance from the rulers of Annam.
    In 726, they spent the entire years to subdue a Lao leader from modern Kuang-hsi and over thirty thousand rebels were captured and beheaded. In 728, three Lao leaders in modern Kuang-tung seized more than forty walled towns. One of the leaders proclaimed himself the emperor; another called himself the king of Nan Yueh. Some sixty thousands rebels were exterminated and the rebel was crushed. After that, the south settled down during the reign of the emperor Hsuan Tsung (713-755). Many survivors took refuge to the Western Shan Countries, some even ventured far into Tibet and back into the Gangetic India. (BViet: The Protectorate of Vietnam: p. 192)
  8. The origin of the linga Cambhubhadresvara
    The start of the incription (of Dong-Duong) is a hymn in the honor of the Linga Cambhubhadresvara. We know that it was first erected in the circle of Mi-son by Bhadravarman I around 400AD under the name of Bhadresvara. It was destroyed by fire in the fifht century during the reing of Rudravarman I, and was erected again by his successor Cambhuvarman who gave a new name of Cambhubhadresvara (BEFEO IV: Notes d'Epigraphy: Premire Stele de Dong Duong: Le Preambule: p. 98, By M.L. Finot).
  9. Aninditapura
    For long, scholars had identified Aninditapura as the capital of Water Chenla but failed to identify its exact location, because they tried to locate it inside of Cambodia today. The word "Aninditapura" is undoubtedly the short form of "An-Indra-Aditya-Pura". Its meaning depends upon the word "An" was intended either for the Sainskrit "Anu" meaning second or the Sumerian "An" meaning heaven. Aninditapura could then be either the second, or the heavenly country of the Aditya kings. It was the country of the famous line of kings, Anuratha or Anuruddha, well known in later Burmese history.