The Sri Vijaya Connection
Project: The Sri Vijaya Connection
Author: Lem Chuck Moth
Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: December/30/2017
All right reserved.
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.
We had argued that the victory of the Chola over Sri Langka became the base of the epic story of the Indonesian Ramayana. In the conflict, he induced his brother Laksmana to join in the campaign. Reluctant as he was always been, Laksmana however bowed to his brother' s demand. After the fight between Rama and Ravana ended in the fall of Sri Langka, Rama then turned his focus to Sri Vijaya. During this intense fighting, both Khmer and Mon chronicles recorded dynastic feuds between the Sailendra and the Sri Vijaya that changed completely the politic of Southeast Asia (Notes: The last Event of the Sailendra). The past alliance between the two powerhouses that was built through the Cakravatin establishment of Angkor was then broken. Joint family members became victim of internal skirmishes and were subjected to prosecution by the extreme faction of each royal court. For the Angkorean Empire, the conflict undermined the security of its Chakravatin establishment and forced the Angkorean court to make serious adjustment. Under the Javanese attack, we shall see that the Sri Vijaya was looking for an escape ground and in a twist of destiny, the Angkorean site became their target. Under the new rulers who were devout Buddhist, the Sivaite communities of Angkor were the most affected. According to the inscription of Stok-kak-Thom, the attack of the Sri Vijaya destroyed two Hindu strongholds that were responsible for the cult of Devaraja of Angkor. After the fighting, the two communities were allowed to rebuild themselves by members of the Silvakaivalia priesthood. With the consent of the new Angkorean ruler, Suryavarman I, they were back to join with the Angkorean community and to restart on the Devaraja cult. Once again, the Cakravatin tradition of Angkor was restored and the unification was underway. Nevertheless, the Angkorean establishment was never been united the same as before the break-up again. As we shall see, circumstances would split the Mon countries away to become part of the founding ground of Ramandesa. At the other side, the Cholan influence would set Champapura to become rival of both the Sri Vijaya and the Angkorean Empire.
The Mon' s Account of the Dynastic Crisis
Of its next changing course, the Angkorean Cakravatin establishment was under attack. Chaos and confusion created potential risks of misinterpreting the effect of the dynastic crisis that was taking a bad turn in the Angkorean court. Looking for the missing information, scholars found in two Mon chronicles, the Chamadevivamsa and the Jinakalamali, valuable sources of information about the actual catastrophic events. Written approximately at the beginning of the fifteenth century and finished in 1516, the two chronicles contain the same account that shed light to the next development of Angkor.
A king of Haripunjaya named Atrasataka went to attack Lavo where Ucchittachakravatti reigned. At the moment when the two sovereigns prepared for battle, a king of Sri Dhammanagara named Sujita arrived at Lavo with a considerable army and fleet. Confronted by this surprise attack, the two adversaries fled in the direction of Haripunjaya. Ucchita arrived first, married the queen and proclaimed himself king. Sujita, the king of Ligor, established himself as master of Lavo. At the end of three years, his successor or most likely his son, Kambojaraja, went to attack Ucchita again at Haripunjaya, but was defeated.
The account clearly presents the events as a full blown dynastic crisis that changed the course of the Angkorean Empire. Nevertheless, there was a misunderstanding when it was first time used to elaborate the Angkorean history at the beginning of the eleventh century. Since the account was about a Kambojan king waging war against Lavo and later Haripangjaya, Scholars mistook the attack as an aggression act of the mighty Angkorean Empire over its two weaker neighboring states. At the contrary, it was the Angkorean court (as the story clearly indicates) that was attacked by the Kambojan court of Sri Dhammmaraja or Ligor.
THE LIGOR' s ROYAL HOUSE
The conflict mirrors the feud between the Javanese and the Sri Vijaya that grew in a bigger scale to become the dynastic crisis of the Cakravaltin Empire. The ruler of Lavo Ucchittachakravatti was quoted as a Chakravati, a reference to the Angkorean Monarch of the time. Considering the fact that Jayavarman V ' s reign at Angkor ended in 1001, King Ucchittachakravatti was more likely him or his successor whose reign was rather short at the Angkorean throne. During his reign, he was attacked by the Haripangjaya King Atrasataka. The situation was further complicated when the Ligor King Sujita decided to join in the battle that caused the Angkorean monarch to flee the battlefield and to seek refuge in Haripangjaya. As Lavo was the military commanding post of the Cakravatin Empire, the control of Lavo resulted in the capture of the Angkorean throne.
The Viravamsa Early Genealogy
With the breaking of the Sailendra to join the Chola, the Sri Vijaya of Ligor was very much isolated. Being in the business of the South China Sea for a long time, the Sri Vijaya was as strong as any other Southeast Asian court could undermine. Of its wealth, the Sri Vijayan court was well protected by its strong army that was made up of Naga tribesmen who were well known for their bravery. Theirs combating skill on both land and sea battle was well respected by the sea-trade community that included China. In this situation, it is expected that the Sri Vijaya was not an easy prey for the take over, even by the strong coalition force of both the Chola and the Sailendra houses. Nevertheless, the leaning of Angkor politically toward the Chola, during the reign of Rajendravarman, obviously created a big setback for the Sri Vijaya. After the reign of Jayavarman V, inscriptions appear to show three kings, Udayadityavarman, Jayaviravarman and Suryavarman were reigning concurrently at the Angkorean site. Scholars speculated that they were contending over the Angkorean throne while in fact, they were all belonging to the Ligor' s court and were joined in their fight to take control of the mainland against Angkor. A passage of the Khmer chronicle shed some light to the enigma.
There was a nephew of Maharaja who, arranged by Prah Dhammavidhi rsiphatta, wedded the late queen and ascended the throne under the name of Botomvaravamsa. He commissioned Virauraja as his Obyauraja and Udayaraja as his Obraja. (RPNK: Botomvaravamsa)
According to the passage, arrangement had been established by the Angkorean high priest to accommodate the new leadership. Suryavarman (Preah Botomvaravamsa) who was the nephew of the late Angkorean King and was set to ascend the Angkorean throne while Jayaviravarman (king Virauraja) became his Obyauraja (second king) and Udayadityavarman (Udayaraja) became his Obraja (army marshal). We shall see that Jayaviravarman and Udayadityavarman were brothers and were related to the house of Chrestapura (Lavo) and despise their true origin from Ligor they were no strangers to the Angkorean court. They were the collaborators of the younger Suryavarman I who alone would be the ultimate ruler of the Angkorean throne. After his death, continues the chronicle, the other two took their turn to rule.
After the death of Botomvaravamsa, Prah Virauraja who was Obyauraja ascended the throne. After the reign of Virauraja, Prah Udayaraja who was commissioned as Mahaobjraja ascended the throne. (RPNK: Botomvaravamsa)
After the attack, new inscriptions were commemorating a new line of kings that was actually taking hold of the Angkorean throne. Also known as the inscription of Udayadityavarman I, the inscription of Prasat Khna was in fact erected during his reign. Its historical value lied particularly in expliciting the early genealogy of the lineage from Mahidhara or Ligor taking hold of the Angkorean court. Despite the striking evidence of its origin from the kambojas, as the word has been mentioned in many locations, the inscription also stresses on its relationship with the new Angkorean court. It started with a princess who was a descendant from the Schrestapura' s royal house and became a consort of the reigning Angkorean King Jayavarman V. Her elder brother who was the army general of the king, received the title of Rajapativarman which identifies him as the governor of Nokor Rajasima. The other brother who was also a senapati of Angkor, received the title of Narapativiravarman which indicates that he was the ruler of Lavo and, according to the next passage, was also the ruler of Ligor. The inscription also hints that in 1001, the time that it was erected, a special circumstance forced the king of Ligor to delegate the throne to his younger brother Udayatityavarman I, while he himself went on a critical mission.
The master (Narapativiravarman), exempted of any desires, even he was still young, had to assume a difficult enterprise. He gave his brother (Udayatityavarman) a wife and made him king of the country surrounded by the sea, Sri Dharmaraja.
The inscription specifies that he reigned over Sri Dharmaraja for only one year while his elder brother was busy waging war (Notes: The Reign of Udayadityavarman I). He was later replaced by Suryavarman I in 1002 and became since an obraja for the Angkorean throne and ruled over Lavo. The next Udayatityavarman who ascended the Angkorean throne in 1050 was most likely not him but his son or otherwise, he must to be very old to reign through the turbulent time until 1066. AS we shall see, the incidence that drove Narapativiravarman into a difficult task was actually to invade Angkor. As to Udayatityavarman' s reigning in 1001, the inscription indicates that he was not reigning, as most scholars believed, at Angkor but over Ligor. To complete the genealogy, We shall know from other inscriptions that it was Jayaviravarman who reigned first at the Angkorean throne from 1002 and abdicated at 1006 for the younger Suryavarman I who was reigning at Sri Dharmaraja in 1002 before ascending the Angkorean throne at 1006.
The Reign of Jayaviravarman (1002-1006)
The inscription of Ta Praya (Stele de Ta Praya) introduces king Jayaviravarman as the elder brother of Udayadityavarman and was holding the Angkorean title of Sri Narapativiravarman. His title indicates that he was then Narapati or ruler of Lavo and an army Marshall (Senapati) of Jayavarman V. The inscription confirms that he hold the position since 962 and that he was also Jayavarman V' s brother in law. He was thus no stranger to the Angkorean court, but at the contrary he had family' s connection to the Angkorean court since its early formation. The inscription of Kuk-Prin-Crum provides us with the information of his long lineage from an illustrate figure named Padma who was a minister in the early court of Jayavarman II (Inscriptions du Cambodge II: Inscription de Kuk-Prin-Crum, George Coedes).
There was a minister, advisor of the king Paramesvara, known under the name of Padma having the same courage as the spouse of Padma. Brother of Srasvati, the king' s consort, he was the favorite of the king, at the head of the king' s advisors; a general of a full merit, he knows not any defeat in war.
The same inscription then indicates that he (Parakramaviradevavarman) was a great-grandson of Sri Padma. It is consistent with the fact that the early Angkorean court of Jayavarman II had their origin from Aininditapura (Lavo).
Originated from a family of the best cast of Aninditapura, from the city of Prey Sla (Betel forest), he was the king' s faithful follower.
He must to rule over Sri Dharmaraja before he delegated the throne to Udayadityavarman I and made his way to contest for the Angkorean throne in 1002. The Inscription of Prasat Trapan-Run (BEFEO XXVIII: Nouvelles Inscriptions du Cambodge: La Stele du Prasat Trapan-Run) introduces him as the Mala king (Maulimalaraja). Sri Dharmaraja of the Malay Archipelago had always been a cardinal state of the Angkorean Empire and, as part of the Cakravatin establishment, its ruler could hold an important function for the Middle country. Connecting him to the Sri Vijayan king Sujita of the Mon chronicle, Sri Narapativiravarman or Sujita was the army Marshall (senapati) of Angkor. This past assignment explains why he had a large army at his disposition to overrun both Lavo and Angkor. His maneuver was more an act of usurpation rather than an invasion of the Angkorean court since the dynastic crises during the end of Jayavarman V' s reign forced him to claim the Angkorean throne for himself. The part B of the same inscription mentioned that he ascended the throne at 1002 and still reigning at 1006 when he granted a piece of land in Aninditpura (Dvaravati) to his master priest Kavindrapandita. Other inscriptions reveal his active role in the state affair during his late reign that ended in 1006. Perhaps due to his old age, he delegated the Angkorean throne to Suryavarman I. Still the Khmer tradition mentions that he continued to work as his son' s vice-king (Obyauraja). As stated by the Khmer chronicle, Suryavarman I became king of Angkor under the arrangement of a priest Rsiphatta. We shall see that his coronation was no less controversial than that of Jayaviravarman. While compiling historical data from many inscriptions of the time, scholars dated the reign of Sauryavarman as early as at 1002 (Saka 924). If the date is exact, Suryavarman was crowned at the same time as king Jayaviravarman that led to the identity confusion between the two. First, some scholars were leaning to believe that they were two kings contending the Angkorean throne at the same time. Other scholars suggested instead that Suryavarman I and Jayaviravarman were two different titles given to the same king. We shall argue that neither one of the two speculations is true. To start, the inscription of Phimanakas makes it clear that for his ascension on 1002 (924 caka), Suryavarman I was reining over Sri Dharmaraja.
Dhati vrah pada kamraten kamtvan an cri suryavarmmadeva ta sakata svey vrah dharmarajya nu 924 caka. (BEFEO XIII, K292, P 12)
The first part of the passage mentions that he was lined from the Suryavamsa dynasty and inherited the title of "Kamtvan", a reverence to a Kam king. The last part that says "svey vrah dharmarajya nu 924 caka" should be interpreted that "he (Suryavarman I) reigned over Prah Dharmaraja on 924 caka". The passage indicates Suryavamsa' s strong connection with the Kambojean court of Tambralinga. Some sources mentioned that he was in fact the son of king Sochita or Jayaviravarman himself. While the latter was ascending the Angkorean throne in 1002, Suryavarman I was anointed at the same time to rule Sri Dharmamaraja. It was then that he was mentioned as the Kambojaraja of the Chamadevivamsa and the Jinakalamali chronicles who went out to attack the Lavo court forcing them to settle at Haripunjaya.
The Reign of Suryavarman I (1006-1050)
The inscription of Stok-Kak-Thom confirms his coronation at Angkor in 1006 by a member of the cult of Devaraja bearer, Jayendrapandita. Before that, he was ascending the throne of Sri Dharmaraja at the same time that king Jayaviravarman ascending the Angkorean throne in 1002. During the time, inscriptions of his name were more numerous in the northern part of the Menam Valley, confirming his early involvement in the conquest and the reestablishment of Lavo. Only after Jayaviravarman ended (abdicated) his reign in 1006 that Suryavarman I did supposedly ascend the Angkorean throne. The inscription of Ta Prom mentions his marriage to the princess Viralaksmi of Chrestapura who was descended from Yasovarman. According to the Khmer chronicle, she was the queen of the last Angkorean monarch, presumably Jayavarman V. It was a common practice for the usurper to marry the queen of the last king as a ticket to the throne when he did not receive enough legitimacy by himself. During his early reign, evidences show that Suryavarman I had done the best he could to sustain support from the Angkorean court. The inscription of Tep Pranam (JA March-Apr: Le Stele de Tep Pranam, George Coedes) contains a small addition in Khmer Language to the Sanskrit part of king Yasovarman I, commemorating Suryavarman I' s involvement in the building of Saugatasramas in the royal palace (vrah Thlvain). This could be an attempt to show his support for the past Angkorean tradition and at the same time to stress on his relationship with Yasovarman I whose legitimacy over the Angkorean throne was incontestable. To command the loyalty of the Angkorean court, he had Angkorean dignitaries to sworn in the oath of allegiance, and as a reminder, he had their names engraved on the inner surface to the entrance of the Royal Palace. The measure confirms the unrest of the Angkorean court during his reign and explains the subsequent uprisings of many remaining members of the last court, during his reign and the next reign of his nephew Udayadityavarman II. The dynastic crises also help explaining his next policy toward northern Siam and the Shan country as a whole. To start, it is important to recall back that the Lawasangharatha royal house of Xiang-Mai was of Sri Vijayan root. Undoubtedly Suryavarman I found in Xiang-Mai a strong ally to reckon with since the beginning of the crisis. Before all that happened, Haripangjaya was a cardinal state of Angkor and was controlling the whole of northern Shan State. Becoming the refuge of the displaced court from Lavo, Haripangjaya stood against Suryavarman I who was forced to sign a pact allowing the Mon State to be independent. It was however in exchange for a free pass allowing the next Angkorean monarch in waging a campaign to consolidate the rest of northern territories under Angkor. Through his effort, evidences show that, excluding Haripangjaya, Angkor had controls over the rest of both Northern Siam and the Shan country. Re-enforcing the legacy of Khun Borom once again in the Tai and Lao tradition, the establishment of Muang Mao as a Zion of Angkor and the building of Prah Vihea temple were two of the most important of his campaigns. It was the first time that we see inscriptions mentioning Rajapatendra as a title of the Angkorean governor over both the Siam and Shan Country. At the other side, Shan and Burmese tradition acknowledged that the whole of the Shan country was then known as Kambawsa.
While Hsenwi-Mongmao' s classical name was Kawsampi, the whole of the Shan States was known as Kambawsa, and this is still the practice. Kambawsa is the Burmese pronunciation of the Kamboja from which Cambodia was derived. (Shan:Some Earlier Shans)
All that development, as we shall see, was done against the new emerged Ramanadesa which under the leadership of Anuruddha detached itself from Angkor (Ramanadesa: The Angkorean Connection: The frontier cities). In a close analysis, Anuruddha could not have done it without the impact of the dynastic crisis that split the new Angkorean court from his ancient rival, the Chola Empire. To prevent more split from happening, Suryavarman I also approached the Chola for reconciliation. In 1012 or shortly afterward, Suryavarman I solicited the past alliance with the Cholan king by sending him a chariot as present. Apparently the diplomacy did not work, but it shows that the Sri Vijayan court at Angkor was already trying hard to repair the broken tie with the Chola. It is important to note that during the time, there were new evidences of Central Asian incursion into Yunnan that treated the overall Angkorean security. Suryavarman I' s support for Buddhism earned him the posthumous name Nirvanapada at the time of his death in early 1050.
THE REORGANIZATION OF THE SIAM COUNTRY
Unable to subdue the new Haripangjaya ' s court, Suryavarman I agreed to make a pact to leave the Mon State alone. At the same time that it secured Haripangjaya from further Angkorean attack, the pact allowed him to start campaigning in northern Siam country. The formation of Muang-Yang was seen immediately under way as the formation of Ramanadesa by Anuruddha limited Angkor of western expansion (Notes: Muang-Yang as Angkor' s northern Commanding Post). Through the construction of the Preah Vihear temple, many inscriptions were erected that shed light to the reconstruction of Rajapuri as a new northern commanding post of the Angkorean Empire.
The Kambojan Legacy
We had seen that Suryavarman I was a Kam King that explains why he was referred as the Kambojaraja in the Mon tradition. The inscription of the west pillar of mount Prah Vihea further more relates him, even-though not explicitly, to the very first ParamKambojan king, Sri Kambu (JSS, Khmer inscriptions: Inscriptions of Prah Vihea, John Black-Coedes).
There is a family who keeps the writings concerning the family of Kambu and the various departments of the royal service, the writing concerning the noble deeds of the sovereign from S.M. Crutavarman to those of his Majesty Cri Suryavarman, kinsman of S.M. Indravarman who went to Isvaraloka and the queen K.A. Cri Viralaksmi of Vrah Srok, kinswoman of Cri Icanavarmadeva who went to Rudraloka, and of S.M. Cri Isanavarmadeva who went to Paramarudra.
The passage also shed light about the origin of the Ketomala king of the previous Angkorean court starting from king Indravarman I to be lined also from Sri Kambu through the lineage of king Crutavarman. Continuing this legacy, Suryavarman and his descendants were known as the great builders of stone temples that included later the famous temple of Angkor Wat. The family mentioned in the passage to keep all the records of history concerning the lineage of Sri Kambu was the family of Sri Sukarman and the inscription provided the locations where they were deposited.
The collection of these sacred writings is kept on leaves deposited at K.J. Cri Cikharicvara at K.J. Cri Vrdhesvara as well as at Kamlon.
Have these records found, we shall know more about the past of these Kambojan kings. However, as mentioned in the inscription, they were inscribed on Palm leaves that would not last through all the hard time that followed. Connecting to Jayavarman II, they were belonged to the specific Sri Dharmaraja house of Sri Padma (Lotus). It was through this connection that they were probably known in Khmer tradition of Sri BotomSurya lineage. After he formed Angkor, Jayavarman II had to install the Sivaite tradition in the Angkorean court for the need of the cult of Devaraja that became since the coronation tradition of the Angkorean throne. At the mean time, evidences show that the Sri Dharmaraja royal house still kept their Buddhist devotion pure despite their connection with Angkor. Their campaign over the Angkorean throne had obviously created direct impacts on the Angkorean tradition. There was a visible deviation of Khmer culture from the previous Angkorean court by the emergence of Buddhism into the mainstream of Angkor' s power-elite. This time around, the presence of more devout Buddhists in the court of a moderate religious background required serious adjustment. While Buddhism was widespread among the people, evidences show that the late Angkorean court had leant more and more toward Hindu practices. Under the Chola influence, Vishnuite gradually infiltrated itself into the high stratum of the Khmer and Mon societies. During his early reign, Suryavarman apparently tried to curb the practices of Hinduism by conducting attacks on two Hindu strongholds (Le Cambodge II: Le stele de Sdok Kak Thom, E. Aymonier). The sanctuaries of Bhadrapattana and Stok Ransi were destroyed and deserted, says the inscription of Sdok Kak Thom. The king (Suryavarman I) reigned for years, until the "Sten An Sivacarya" who was the Chaplain of the late Jayavarman V came out to repair the damages and restored the Hindu divinities at Bhadrapattana. He died during the process and his nephew, the "Steng An Sudasiva" continued his work to restore the Hindu tradition. After many years of harsh control, Suryavarman I apparently had a change of heart and conformed himself to the Hindu tradition of the Angkorean court. To secure his power, he had to change his personal devotion and conformed himself to the Cakravatin tradition. He received the Cult of Devaraja from the Chief Priest Sudasiva who was elevated to the dignity of Kamsteng Sri Jayendrapandita, presumably in 2006. As an appreciation of his work, the king gave him the hand of the queen Viralaksmi' s sister. After the death of Suryavarman, Sadasiva crowned Udayadityavarman II and received in return a royal title "Dhuli Jeng Vrah Kamrateng An Sri Jayendravarman". Under his influence, Udayadityavarman II decided to build a new mountain temple, the Baphuon, more beautiful than those of his predecessors to shelter the royal linga. Obviously the Cakravatin legacy of the previous Angkorean court lived on and both Buddhism and Hinduism once again found common ground to coexist during the new Angkorean era. An inscription of 1022-25 tells us that during the reign of Suryavarman I, monks belonging to two schools of Buddhism (bjikshu mahayana and sthavira) and Brahmans were practicing the exercises of Yoga (tapasvi yogi) and lived side by side in Lavo. The predominance of Buddhist monuments and images at Lopburi proved that Buddhism was increasing its importance there while Hinduism was practiced along side.
The Construction of Preah Vihear Temple
Continuing the story of the Ligor' s invasion recounted in the Mon chronicles, the next development was about a Kambojaraja King making his move to attack the displaced court of king Uchhita at Haripangjaya.
At the end of three years, his successor, or perhaps his son, Kambojaraja, went to attack Ucchita again at Haripunjaya, but was defeated.
As we had identified the Kambojaraja in the story line to be no other than Suryavarman I, the next development was about fighting to take control of Haripangjaya by the new Angkorean monarch. As mentioned in the chronicle, the attack was defeated. The lost of Haripangjaya would jeopardize the Angkorean control over its northern frontier and forced the new court to look for an alternative commanding post to replace Haripangjaya. We shall see that it was the start of a reorganization of the northern Siam and Shan country under the new leadership of Angkor. New projects including the construction of mount Prah Vihea might start early in his reign. One prominent scholar who should receive most if not all credits to oversee the new development was Sukarman. His name was mentioned in early inscriptions of mount Prah Vihea. From the west pillar' s inscription we know that he was introduced by a high-ranking member of the Suryavarman' s court named Rajapativarman, the elder of Avadhyapura in 1037.
Cri Rajapativarman, grandson of VKA Cri Rajapativarman, the elder of the district of Avadhyapura respectively informed SM Cri Suryavarmandeva, of the act of devotion of Cri Sukarman Kamsten, to begin with, on the occasion of the fortification of places for KJ Cri Sikharisvara and KJ Cri Varadhesvara.
Sri Sikharisvara, as we shall see, was the God King protector of mount Prah Vihea. Sukarman was recognized for his works on both Sri Sikharisvara and Sri Vrdhesvara. His contribution made him part of the legendary Visnukarman in Khmer Tradition. He was awarded a land in the district of Vibheda for his family to settle in which was named after his original hometown, Kuruksetra.
The village named Vibheda given by the king of kings, Cri Suryavarman, to Sukarman who came from Kuruksetra, has, because of that, been called Kuruksetra.
The village of Vibheda might be located at the shore of Mekong River near Wat Phu, where another inscription was found mentioning the sacred place of Kuruksetra. According to the inscription, the land was originally belonged to two families, the family of Vap Mau and of Mahidharavarman in exchange for another land at Rangoal. Mahidharavarman as we shall see was an Angkorean title for the ruler of Sri Dhammaraja. on the other hand, Vap Mau must to be an influential figure who gave Muang-Yang its original name of Muang Mau. On inscribed proceedings, posted on each pillar of the temple of Prah Vihear, we notice the importance of another key figure in the Angkorean court, the governor of Rajapati. Presiding on most court sessions, Rajapativarman conducted Angkorean state affairs regarding its northern dependency right from the site of mount Prah Vihear. The inscription of the West Pillar introduces Rajapativarman as the elder of Avadhyapura. Otherwise an unknown locality, Avadhyapura might have been a reference to Ayudhyapura, also known as Ksetrapura or Rajapura in the past. During the subjugation of the Javanese Empire, Ayudhya along with Sri Dharmaraja, as well as the Mon country of Tathon were under the Cholan control. The lost of Sri Vijaya territory forced Suryavarman I to move the Sri Vijayan legacy from Ayudhya up-north deep in the northern Siam country. Rajapura or Muang-Yang became a new command post of Angkor, replacing Lavo that was too close to the Cholan territory. After failing to subdue Haripangjaya, Suryavarman I signed a pact with the displaced Lavo court settling at Haripangjaya to allow him continuing his venture in the northern Siam country.
Once established, Rajapati was contributing to more Angkorean control over the Shan Country in the long run. Even after the Chola' s decline and the Sri Vijaya was back under Angkor' s control, the legacy of Rajapati stayed with the northern Siam to play important role during the Mongol incursion. An important characteristic of the country was its peculiar historical past that was interesting enough for Marco Polo to record in his memoir (The Fall of Nokor Thom: Notes: Pa-pi-si-fu). It is said that Rajapati was once ruled by a king who was so devoted to his sensual pleasures that he had altogether four hundreds wives for his disposition and was still looking for more. That was why it was also known to the Chinese as Pa-pai-si-fu, meaning eight hundreds wives. As we had argued, this legacy dated back since the ancient time, during the early occupation by the Western Kamboj Kings of the mainland Indochina (Kamboja: The Funan culture: The society).
The Xiang-Mai Connection
After the formation of Angkor, Xiang-Mai became part of Aninditapura, a cardinal state of the Cakravatin Empire. Being a close neighbor of Lavo, our first assumption is that Xiang-Mai must to fight along side Lavo against Ligor. In the fighting, Xiang-Mai was subdued along with Angkor and Lavo should have their court replaced with friendlier members to the Sri Vijaya. Evidences however point to the other way around. While the chronicle of Lampang had plenty to say about the falling court of Lavo and the subsequent fight with Ligor, the Xiang-Mai chronicle on the other hand kept the genealogy of the Xiang-Mai royal house intact hinting that no skirmish whatsoever happened with the new court of Angkor. This is consistent with the fact that both Xiang-Mai and Ligor royal houses were of Sri Vijayan origin and were thus allies in the campaign against the Chola. The next campaign launched by Suryavarman I over the northern Siam countries was not by all mean against Xiang-Mai, but was at the contrary to safeguard both Angkor and Xiang-Mai against the next Cholan development. By now, the Chola had already established full control of the Malay peninsular and the Javanese court of Makutavamsa already taking hold of the Mon country of Tathon. As Haripangjaya also started its own campaign against Lavo, it was a matter of time that Xiang-Mai became next the target of the Cholan invasion. To fight against the Chola, the new Angkorean court had no other access to Ramandesa than through Rajapati. The establishment of Muang-Yang was not trouble free but was necessary to safeguard the safety of both Angkor and its northern allies. Even though Xiang-Rai had a long past history with the Kamboj kings, the occupation by Suryavarman I required serious adjustment. As mentioned in the inscription of the West Pillar of mount Preah Vihea, it was done at the expense of the native court of Xiang-Rai that was then under the local ruler named Kamstem Pas-Khmau (seignior Black Belly). One characteristic of the Lao people in this northern Shan country was the custom of tattooing their body in black. This practice caught the attention of Marco Polo and was recorded in his survey during his trip to the province of Cangigu (Notes: Of the Province of Cangigu). The peculiar practice that gained widespread popularity among a specific group of Lao People in Xiang-Rai was to tattoo their belly in black. Because of this practice, they were known as the Lao of Black Belly. The last passages of the inscription hints drastic measures carried by Rajapativarman under the commands of the Angkorean court to be imposed on this Lao community of Xiang-Rai.
The people of the lineage of Pas-Khmau were known of violence under all the reigns, up to that Vrah Kamsten Pas-Khmau whom his Majesty caused to be condemned. In the measure, the kings will have to use control over the resources of the people of Pas-Khmau and merge them with the people of the holy hermitage.
The people of the holy hermitages in the passage were no other than the family members of the elder of Ayudhya named Rajapativarman. Suryavaraman I merged the people of Xiang-Rai with his own and stripped the authority of Pas-Khmaus above the rank of Sanjak. This measure was making sure that his people would not be under the control of the Lao of black belly' s authority.
In future, should any one have knowledge that there are people of the lineage of Pas-Khmau of the rank of Sanjak, then the king should be respectfully be informed. In that eventuality the people of the holy hermitages who might find themselves under the patronage of this other lineage should advise their respective families to present their petitions.
The last passage of the inscription also mentioned that Suryavarman I had implanted his own people with the family' s members of his guru to take care of the northern regions.
Sri Suryavarmandeva has relatives in charge of holy hermitages and in the administration of the goods...he does not desire that they should restore the authority of Pas-Khmau.
This arrangement collaborated to the Khmer tradition of associating Nokoreajasima and its northern vicinities as the stronghold of king BotumSurya' s royal house. Suryavarman I and II' s family members were known to reside in Muang Nan and other northern Shan countries that were constructed under Angkor' s initiative during their reigns. We shall see that Jayavarman VII might have been born in the same royal house of Muang-Yang or Rajapati (Nokor Thom: The Restoration of Angkor: The Prince Vidyanandana-Suryavarmadeva of the Nan Country). In addition, it explicates the Khmer story about the lineage of the princess Sikharamahadevi, given as consort to Prah Ruang by king Botomsurya, to be from the line of Suryavarman I' s family of mount Prah Vihear (Sokhodaya: The Founding of Sokhodaya: Indraditya and the Ruang Family' s Name).
THE ANGKOREAN EMPIRE UNDER THE MAHIDHARA COURT
Added into the dynastic crisis, Tartarization brought new problems that the Khmer Empire had to face. Through Yunnan, Angkor was facing with another dilemma in regard to the northern influx of the Central Asian aristocrats from Central Asia that took Yunnan by storm. The next event confirms the important fact of the Ho leadership of taking any slight opportunity to interfere in Southeast Asian politic. Falling under the Sri Vijayan faction of Sri Dharmaraja, Angkor became vulnerable to both the attacks of the Ho leadership of Yunnan and the Cholan kings of South India. Facing serious setback in both fronts, the the next Angkorean king launched many campaigns trying to restore back the past Angkorean legacies.
The Reign of Udayadityavarman II (1050-1066)
Udayadityavarman II received his Devaraja cult from the same chaplain Jayendrapandita. His crown name indicates that he was a direct descendent from Udayadityavarman I who, according to Khmer tradition, had served as the army Marshall (obraja) for his nephew (Suryavarman I). When the diplomacy that was initiated by Suryavarman I to gain friendship with the Chola failed, Udayadityavarman II had no other choice than to face head-on with the Cholan retaliation. During his sixteen years reign, his main mission was to cope with a series of uprisings and at the same time established back the stability of the Angkorean Cakravatin Empire. To suppress the unrest, Udayadityavarman II entrusted his military General Sangrama to the crucial task of crushing rebels in the effort to restore back order. All the revolts and uprisings during his reign were obviously due to the last elements of the Angkorean court of Chola' s political background. The general recounted his exploit in epic style by a Sanskrit inscription found at the base of the Baphuon, the temple of the royal linga to which he made a gift of his booty. The first revolt took place one year after his coronation, in 1051 and happened in the south of the country. Led by Aravindahrada who was mentioned to be well trained in the archery and a leader of an army of heroes, the rebellion was vanquished by Sangrama and Aravindahrada fled to Champa. Another mission, as we shall see, was to reestablish Sri Vijaya into becoming part of the Angkorean Empire again. Apparently, Sangrama had succeeded to wrest it back from the control of the Javanese court and ruled it under the title of Samgramavijayayottungavarman. The Chola however would not let that to happen and soon moved in and to drive him out from Sri Vijaya. According to the Cholan source, Sangrama was to endure the worst defeat of his career and had to withdrew altogether out of the Malay archipelago (The Chola Dynasty: The Dynastic Crises: An account from the Chola' s court). Back at home, Sangrama had to face another revolt that took place at 1065 in the northwest led by a valiant hero of the king named Kamvau. Becoming an army general, Kamvau secretly planned the attack and left the city with his troops. During the fight with Sangrama, he wounded the latter in the jaw but was himself killed by three arrows. The last revolt took place in the east, by two brothers named Sivat and Sidhikara with the accomplishment of a third warrior named Sasantribhuvana. It was also put-down by the same general Sangrama. After uprisings were crushed, his next preoccupation was to reestablish baxck the sea trade business. It is important to note that the sea-trade was the main venture through out the Sri Vijayan existence. It is not surprising that after taking control over the Angkorean court, the first task of Suryavarman I was to look for an opportunity to reestablish back the Sri Vijaya' s sea venture. In an effort to get back to their lucrative business, they were willing to work out their conflict with the Chola. Nevertheless, the effort of reestablishing the sea route did not come easy as the Javanese Empire, in collaboration with the Chola, was still in control of the region. Continuing on the work of his predescessors, Udayadityavarman II fought hard to regain control of Sri Vijaya. At one time, the general Sangrama succeeded to wrest the control of the Sri Vijaya back from the Sailendra court of Java and placed it under the Angkorean control. Nevertheless, the victory did not last. AS we shall see, it was this time the mighty Cholan empire that Udayadityavarman II had to face. In the inscription known as the great charter of Leyden, the Cholan king Rajendrachola I described in his own words the fall of the new Sri Vijaya court under attacks by his powerful fleets. Needless to say, the defeat forced the Angkorean court to abandon the sea-trade' s plan for good and to look for an alternative solution to build the trade route between china and the west. Supported by the Sung Dynasty of China, the Land-trade route passed through Yunnan and reached the Arab world through the Gangetic India (The Chola Dynasty: The Dynastic crises: The Conflict Over the Sea Route). Despite of his heroic effort, the end of Udayadityavarman II' s reign left Angkor still in great turmoil with the Cholan Empire. His top military general Sangrama whose exploits were mentioned in many of the inscriptions (erected by him in commemorating his victories) was assigned to stabilize the country. Evidences show that his campaign was extensive over all the dependency of Angkor that became now the battleground between the Sailendra and the Sri Vijaya. The battles at Sri Dharmaraja, as we shall see, would receive a deadly blow from the Chola forcing the Mahidhara court of Angkor to stop any attempts to restore back the Sri Vijayan ream.
Champapura and the Cham Affair
Continuing the development at Sri Dharmaraja, Angkorean court was on its way to retake control of Champapura. Two inscriptions found at Po Klaus Garai (BEFEO IX, Notes D'epigraphie: Nouvelles inscriptions de Po-Klaus-Garai, Louis Finot) attest the control of a Sri Vijayan ruler over both Champapura and Pandaranga right at the start of the reign of King Udayadityavarman II.
Svati, Sri man chri Paramesvara narapati won over the troops of the habitants of Panduranga in saka 972 (1050).
His title "Sri man" reveals the Kamara tradition of Sri Vijaya of the Mahidhara court. The rest of the inscription described the unrest of Panduranga, the traditional core of the Choladara legacy during the crisis.
The people of Pandaranga were always stupid, of bad spirits and of bad deeds. In many occasions they revolted against the rulers of Champa until Sri Paramesvaravarmadeva established the God King Paramesvara for the protection of the country. Still the people of Pandaranga created all sorts of troubles, they elected their men one after the other to be their king.
As we recalled back, Pandaranga was meant to be Srasvati where ancient Choladara Naga house resided. After the fall of the Hiong-Wang Kingdom, it was driven down to a place of today' s Prey Nokor by the Han Dynasty, Under the Han initiative, Cham aristocrats moved in and transformed Pandaranga to become one of the Cham communities of Prey Nokor. Of Cham' s descend, the people of Pandaranga was particularly critical to the Buddhist Sri Vijaya taking control of the Angkorean court.
The passage tells us that Champapura had already been under the control of Sri Vijaya since the start-up of the dynastic crises (The Chola Dynasty: The Javanese connection: Champapura as a Battleground between the Sri Vijaya and the Sailendra). Nevertheless, the people of Panduranga were apparently rising up against the new Angkorean control. We know from another inscription of Po Klaus Garai that a nephew of Sri Paramesvaravarma finally managed to put the uprising to rest.
In saka 972, the Pulyang Sri Devaraja mahsenapati, nephew of Sri Paramesvaravarmadeva, came to take the city of Pandaranga for Sri Paramesvaravarmadeva.
This victory however was short-lived, new erected inscriptions at Mi-son (BEFEO IV: Notes d'Epigraphie: Les inscriptions de Mi-son, M. L, Finot) reveal the come back of the Javanese Empire into Champapura. Harivarman II, prince Than, yan Visnumurti or madhvamurati was a son of Praleysvara Dharmaraja. He belonged at his father side to the coconut (Nariketa) family and at his mother side to the betel (Kramuka) family. Confirming to the matriarchal rule he considered himself belonging to the betel family. The inscription portrayed him as a valiant fighter who won many victories over his enemies. One of his exploits was the raid over Kamvujadesa, during the reign of Harshavarman III. He brought back a rich collection of booty that he offered to the god king Isanabhadrasvara in 1079. At Angkor, Harshavarman III who ascended the throne in 1066, kept himself busy with repairing the structures that were destroyed in the wars of the preceding reigns. The inscription of Ta-Prohm (BEFEO VI, La Steles de Ta-Prohm, George Coedes) identified him as a descendant of King Bhavavarman I and the queen Kambojarajalaskmi. This connection proved his origin from Sri Dhammaraja even-though we know nothing about his relationship with either Suryavarman I and Udayaditya II. Between 1074 and 1080, he himself was involved in the quarrel with Champapura (The Chola Dynasty: The Javanese connection: Champapura as a Battleground between the Sri Vijaya and the Sailendra). Through one of his inscription, the Champa king claimed to have defeated the troops of Cambodia at Somesvara and seized the prince Sri Nandavarmandeva who commanded the army with the rank of Senapati. Perhaps it was during this battle that the prince Pang, younger brother of the king of Champa, and later became king himself under the name of Paramabodhisatva, went to take the city of Sambhupura (Sambor). After destroying all its sanctuaries he gave the khmer war prisoners, to the various sanctuaries of Sri Isanabhadrasvara (at Mison) as servants. He received the posthumous name Sadasivapada. (ESSA:The Mahidharapura dynasty of Cambodia). At his death in 1080, fourteen of his consorts burned themselves alive on his pyre as part of the Sharia ritual. This is the first time that such ritual was ever mentioned in inscription of Champapura. The practice suggests a close connection of the Javanese court with the development of orthodox Vishnuism in India. His son, the Pu lyan Rajadvara was still very young at the age of nine years old when he succeeded him.
The Cholan Campaign Over the Southern Sea Route
after the reign of Rajendravarman I (944-968)
At the same time that Angkor fell into the Mahidhara court of the Sri Vijaya, evidences show that the Chola themselves lost theirs suzerainty to southern Indian local houses. After the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III defeated and took control of the Chola in in 949 AD, the Cholan nothern heritage was lost to the new Southern Indian religious development. Nevertheless, evidences show that the Rashtrakuta king allowed the Chola to regroup themselves and fought back against the Sri Vijaya. The fact that the next Cholan Kings received the same title as the displaced Angkorean king led us to believe that they were his direct descendants. Two inscriptions that were made during their respective reigns show their intervention in the Sri Vijayan ream. The first inscription known as the great charter of Leyden that was made during of Rajendrachola I' s early reign, informs us that the new Chola king composed an edict for the village offered by his father Rajaraja to the Chulamanivarmanvihara. The inscription gave evidences of the Cholan support the control of the Sailendra king Maravijayottangavarman over Srivijaya at Kadaha. What happened next reveals a turn of event that change completely the diplomacy of the next Cholan king in regard to the ruler of Sri Vijaya. The next inscription that was known as the Tirukkalar inscription was made during the reign of Rajendrachola II. The inscription informs us that the Cholan King then reversed completely the policy of his predecessor and turned against the Sri Vijaya. The Chola king sent a big naval expedition against the Sri Vijaya realm that hit its target hard. The ruler of Vijaya of the time was identified in the inscription as Samgramavijayayottungavarman who unlike his predecessor was clearly not in friendly term with the Chola. Furher more, we have the reason to believe that the crushed Sri Vijayan ruler was no other than the Angkorean General Sangrama of king Udayaditya II who, through perseverance, had done tremendous job in crushing rebels and enemies alike to consolidate back the country' s sovereignty. Our speculation is that he succeeded to drive the Sailendra out from Sri Vijaya and installed himself as its governor reporting to Angkor. If this is true, the Chola' s next raids were just a series of retaliations conducted during the reign of Rajendra Chola II against the occupation of Sri Vijaya by the Angkorean general Sangrama (Notes: The Timing of the Cholan Raids over Sri Vijaya). It correlated to the fact that during the rest of Rajendra' s reign, inscriptions reveal his harsh policy toward the new Sri Vijayan establishment. In the Tirukkalar inscription, he bragged about the succumbing of the new Sri Vijayan king Samgramavijayayottungavarman, the successor of Maravijayottangavarman, under powerful attacks by the Chola fleets.
He (Rajendrachola) having dispatched many ships in the midst of the rolling sea and having caught Samgramavijayayottungavarman, the king of Kadaram, along with his rutting elephants which put up rare fight, and brought victory.
From Takkola of the Menam Valley to Kadaram, the Srivijaya principalities were crushed under massive naval attacks by Rajendra' s fleet. The inscription enumerates the exploits of the campaign.
The prosperous Sri-Vishaya, Panni with a of ghat of water, the ancient Malaiyur with a fort situated in a fine hill, Mayirudingam, surround by the deep sea as a moat, hangasogam (Langkasuka) undaunted fierce battles, Mappapalam having abundant deep waters as defense, Mevilimbangam having fine walls as defense, valaippanduru possessing cultivated land and jungle, the principal city of Takkolam praised for great men of science, the Madamaligam of strong battlements, Hamuri desam provided with scientifically ripe excessive strength, the great Nakkovaram whose gardens abounded in flowers dripping honey, and Kadaram of fierce strength protected by foot-soldiers wearing katal.
Conducted during the reign of King Udayadityavarman II, the raid resulted in the whole of the Malay Archipelago being taken into the control of the Chola. This expedition was seen so far as the first interference of an Indian Empire into the politic of Southeast Asia. The attack was more about the ancient feud between the Coladhara and the Mahidhara clans than about any India or Angkor' s interests. This time, it was not about the throne of jewels as in prehistoric time but was about a more serious split due first to the cultural clash, and then the control of the sea-route. As orthodoxy of both Hindu and Buddhism was setting the two clans once again apart, the Chola's policy of leaning to western development rifted its political center more and more apart from the Angkorean Buddhist consortium.
THE NAN-TCHAO CONNECTION
The new development of Rajapati at the Khorat plateau by king Suryavarman I extended the Khmerization over the northern Siam countries that were going to be re-enforced by the succeeding Angkorean monarchs, in the next few centuries to come.
The Mauryan Legacy
Among the people of northern Indochina of today speaking of Sino-Tibet language, the Yaos or the Miens are by far the most dominant ethnic people over the region. It is important to note that as people, the Miens were not of the same ethnicity as their leaders. Like many other ethnic groups of Ta-Tsin, they were subjected first to the Man Culture, of which they inherited many legacies of the early Man Culture. This legacy is found also at the Far East of the Mount Himalayas where they settled sparingly among the indigenous tribesmen. It indicates that they were at home at the footstep of Himalayas since the Great Flood. Living isolated, they evaded the Chinese' s influence, but through contact with the Tartaric development, the Man Culture degenerated. Their tradition indicates that their last Central Asian contact was the Mauryan house of Simha kings from Daya Desa from whom they received and retained since the Simha symbole of their nationality. Both the Chinese and the Indochinese people called them the Dog tribesmen, perhaps because they (including the Miens themselves) mistook the Simha symbol as either a tiger or a hairy dog called Fu dog since they never seen a lion before,. In their tradition, the Miens retain the story about their leader, the Dog Pan-hou, who went to rescue a Chinese Monarch from his rival enemy. He was then awarded the hand of a Chinese princess and was awarded the mountainous region as their homeland. Although there are many versions and variation from one version to another, the story is consistent with the fact that the Miens were primary constraint to the mountainous regions of China. The descendants of the dog Pan-hou and the Chinese princesses constituted the local leadership of the southern Tian-Shan range ever since (Notes: The local Leadership of Yunnan). Due to their isolation, the Mien or Yao tribesmen lived quasi-independently from the control of central China until modern time. Theirs strong connection with the southern countries were noticeable through the history of Southeast Asia after the reign of king Ashoka in Magadha. There is strong indication that the original rulers of the Sri Vijayan clan were members of this Simha ruling house of Yunnan. Their next connection that resulted in the formation of Piao (Pyu) states was done through the extension of the Mauryan Court by Ashoka' s third son, Piao-tsiu-ti. The Yunnan chronicle confirms the existence of the country of the Mien (or Tien-Mien), better known in past as the Tan kingdom during the Han era and the Piao-Kouo during the Tang Dynasty (NCHAO: Fong-Yeou: P. 66). The change of name to Piao-Kouo (Piao country) confirms that the country owed its name Pyuksettra to the Tang Dynasty from the legacy of Piao-Tsui-Ti. Located close by Annam (Tonkin), Yunnan was subject to the harassment of the latter. The Yunnan chronicle mentioned about the ruler of Yunnan sending an army to invade Annam in 858 to put an end to the harassment. Added into the information, the chronicle says that the Emperor called himself "Piao-sin (jin)" and the kings called themselves "Chao", indicating that Piao-Tsui-Ti made himself emperor on top of the Cham or Chao Yueh-Shih family of kings. Like the Pyu Kings, the Miens spoke Sino-Tibetan language pinpointing that their original homeland was the Tarim Basin. Evidences also show that Piao-Tsui-Ti extended his control deep south into the Irravati Valley that gave Burma its another identity as Pyuksetra (The Pyu Kingdom). Until the advent of the Yuan Incursion, the Yunnan chronicle referred the country as the "Piao-Tien" inferring that it was once ruled by the Piao kings. They were likely responsible for the spreading under their rules of the Tibeto-Burman language among Austroasiatic tribesmen, residents of the northern mainland Indochina and of mount Himalayasn' s footstep. It also explains why, after the fall of the Funan Empire, the Khmer king Rudravarman of Mauryan background escaped to Yunnan and was able to establish his legacy of Khun Borom as retained by the northern Siam tradition (Xiang-Mai: The Nan-Tchao connection: Khun Borom of Nan-Tchao). This feudal legacy was in fact the same social structure of all the ancient world, but was thought later by western scholars to be of Tai origin from Kadaya. As we had argued, Angkor was formed as a Cakravatin Empire on top of the naga communities that inherited the same feudal organization since the deep past. Through the Indianization, the Khmer-Mon Culture was going to spread itself as part of the Angkorean expansion over the native feudal tribesmen.
The past Legacy of Khun Borom
After taking control of China, the Tangs shifted their focus to the southern provinces in their attempt to annihilating the local Kushan houses of Nan-Tchao. Their campaign was intense after the latter attacked and succeeded to occupy Annam. The Tangs were under the pressure from the Chinese communities of giving not enough commitment to save the southern country. An artist scholar, Pi Jih-hsiu witnessed the Chinese sentiment of Annam and their call for help of the Tang to intervene. A poem composed by him provides important information on account of the war (BViet: Appendix N: Pi-Jih-Hsiu and the Nan-Tchao War). On his stay in the city of Hsiu-Chang located on the Ying River in modern Honan, Pi-Jih-Hsiu witnessed the suffering of local population under the draft for the Tang army and sent to Annam to resist the Nan-Tchao offensive. In 862, two thousand men from Hsu had been drafted and according to Jih-Hsiu, many had died trying to free Annam.
Hih-hsiu was staying at an inn in Hsu-Chuan. He suddenly heard the sound of wailing outside the city walls and inquired of people passing in the street. They said: "Southern barbarians besieged our Giao-Chi. An imperial order was received to levy two thousand Hsu soldiers to attack them. They attack again and again, and they all died in battle.
The account clearly that the Chinese people considered Annam as a country of their own. When it was attacked by Nan-Tchao, the Tang court was pressured to recruit Chinese army to help. On his poem composed later, Jih-Hsiu portrayed a grim wartime picture.
The south was neglected, officials were not selected, causing the overthrow of our Giao-Chi, which for three or four successive years, has drifted away, bringing disgrace to the empire.
Even then, Jih-Hsiu and other Chinese citizen still stood firm with Annam despite the high casualty of their men and diverted the blame to the Tang Court for, according to the poem, neglecting Annam for too long. The neglecting was actually due to the Sui dynasty and later to the empress Wu. Anytime that China was under a friendly court with the south, Annam's role was drastically reduced. As we shall see, the critic of Jih-hsiu was just a weary feeling of a Chinese citizen about one lost battle among many others conducted against the southern states of Yunnan. Little that Jih-hsiu knew about the Tang policy in regard to Annam. The Tang court might have been occupied in the security of its own suzerainty that was taken from the Sui dynasty, but was far to be neglectful about its southern-most command post. With the help of the Land Chenla, they succeeded to drive the man rebels from both Annam and Nan-Tchao. During the expedition of 794, Chinese texts mentioned of the presence of a Land Chenla prince, tugged along with the Chinese armies in the fight against the ruler of Yunnan. The call of the Tangs for help became a viable solution for both countries in leaning to the Chinese court for support. Nevertheless, evidences show that the Tang's successful campaign did not benefit the Land Chenla. After defeating the rebels, the Tangs rebuilt Annam into becoming once again its military commanding post. According to the Annamete account, soon after the Black Emperor's death, the new rulers of Annam found themselves preoccupying with uprisings from all over tribesmen of the north. These Tai tribesmen of the hills overlooking Annam were originally Lua or Lao people who have been inducted into the Tai culture by the Tai leaderships from Day Desa and became known as the Tai tribesmen. Under the leadership of Sri Nara, they were no longer subject to China and fought still for their own independence after his death (Notes: The Uprising of the Tai Tribesmen). Continuing his ancestor's footsteps, the next Yunnan ruler Ko-Lo-Fong (748-778) also started on rebelling against the Tangs (NCN: Ko-Lo-Fong: pp. 41-47). The Tangs then sent a large army of troops to attack Yunnan. Unable to persuave the Tang court to avert the attack, KO-Lo-Fong led the troops himself and managed to subdue the Tang's army. After the defeat, the Tangs stopped offending against Yunnan. Tied up with the Annamite affair, the Tangs let loose their alliance with the Land Chenla. According to the Nan-Tchao Chronicle, the Tangs accepted the offer from Yi-Meou-Sin (778-808) to fight against Tibet and to form an alliance with the Yunnan Court. This change of policy allowed Yi-Meou-Sin to expand his Ta-li-Kouuo kingdom extensively (HPNT: Yi-Meou-Sinp: pp. 48-57) and secured the survival of the Tali court until the fall of the Tang Dynasty. The new alliance also allowed the Khmer consortium to gain ground in order to advance the building of the Khmer Chakravatin Empire. With no support from the Tang Court, the Land Chenla and the Cham courts were forced to leave their stronghold of the mainland of Indochina.
The Progenator of the Ruang Family
Starting with the formation of Yueh-Tchao and Chan-Tcheng by the Han Dynasty (Champapura: The Cham countries: Yueh-tiao and Chan-Tcheng) the Cham Chao-Fas were so far mentioned to be the rulers of Yunnan. Evidences however show that other leadership from Central Asia had already moved in to take control of the region, among them were the Tais of Maen-Ta-Tok and the Ho stock of Day Desa. Rendering homage to the Chinese authority of the Middle Kingdom, they ruled Yunnan as part of the confederation of states, known in Chinese texts as Kiao-Tche. Due to the remoteness of the region, it appears that the local leadership could held its ground even-though the power of Central China changed hand from one dynasty to another. The advent of Khun Borom, as remembered by the Siam tradition, but would change the whole situation. By topping themselves over the local rulers, King Borom and his descendants broke many centuries of Yunnan' s dependency to China. After the Tangs drove out khun Borom from Nan-Tchao, the Ho leadership apparently reported back to the Chinese court.During the early formation of Angkor, evidences show Yunnan still politically under Chinese control. The situation however was going to be changed as circumstances had set the Lao king of Xiang-Mai named King Cuang (10845-1093), to challenge the aggressiveness of the contemporary Ho ruler of Yunnan. This is the first time that the chronicle referred the Ho as the rulers of the Chinese southern provinces since the establishment of the Han dynasty. The reference reflects a new interference of Central Asian authorities over the communities of Yunnan since the last fall of the Quin Dynasty. The mentioning of Muang Phrakan as their central commanding post, locating in the heart of their Yunnan country, leads us to believe that the Ho was a common term used to refer Mongolian elements of leadership. We shall see that Muang Phrakan (Phra-Khan), a Tai reference to the Mongolian word "Khan", became later an important command post of the Yuan Dynasty. According to the Chieng-mai' s chronicle, King Cuang was the son of the Com Pha Ruang and became king at the age of thirty-seven years old. His uncle Lao Chun had a daughter named Lady Ua-Kham-Khon-Muang. When she grew up to become a young maiden, she was exceptionally beautiful. When the new reached the Ho court of Mount Phrakan, the Kaeo king named Thao Kaeo sent gifts and requested the hand of the princess. Khun Lao Chun, the father of Lady Ua-Kham-Khon-Muang did not wish to give his daughter up to the kaeo King. As he rejected the Ho' s proposition, the Kaeo king brought up an enormous army to seize the princess. In the confrontation, the Xiang-Mai king Cao Phraya-Cuang managed to win over the Kaeo army and killed the Kaeo King. He then continued on invading the Kaeo country and established himself as its ruler. He took the daughter of the Kaeo king named Lady Up Kaeo as his queen and made all the lords of that country submit to his power. The Ho king named Cao Lum-Fa-Phiman then took the initiative to set up an assembly of all local rulers at Phu-Hoet to submit to the Lao King. They built a temporary palace where king Cuang resided upon the bejeweled throne and was consecrated as the ruler of the Kaeo country. His ruling over the Kaeo territory lasted seventeen years until he was killed when the Tais of Maen-Ta-Tok brought up troops to fight back his control over Yunnan. His legacies in the Kaeo kingdom however outlived his reign through his descendants from the Kaeo princess. He arranged their eldest son, Chao Prah Ruang Maen Kham Kha to rule over the Kaeo country, their middle son, Yi Khan Hao, to be king of Lan-xang and their youngest son to be the king of Nandapuri. Before he went out to face the Kaeo army and got killed in the fight, King Cuang placed the Siam country in the care of his eldest son. Chao Pha Ruang had carried on his father' s legacy during the next generations of Xiang-Mai' s rulers until the advent of the Mongol' s incursion. His family name "Phra Ruang" would become the family name of northern Siam rulers of both Yunnan and Sokhodaya. The development contradicts head-on with the Tai migration theory down south from Nan-Tchao as postulated in the modern Tai history. It was in fact the Lao King Cuang who invaded the northern Kaeo Country after the conflict broke-out and established the Siamese legacy of the Ruang royal house at Nan-Tchao. On the other hand, we shall argue that the aggression of the Ho rulers of Yunnan was actually the result of Central Asian new development that led to the Mongol invasion of Yunnan, a century later. At the mean time, evidences show that the fighting between Xiang-Mai and the Ho court of Yunnnan was not an isolate event, but was actually in a close conjunction of Suryavarman I' establishment of Muang Maw. It also connected to another important historical event as Udyadityavarman II was mentioned in Khmer tradition to be the father of the legendary founder of Sokhodaya, Prah Ruang (Sokhodaya: The Founding of Sokhodaya: The Legend of Prah Ruang). In the legend, he (Udayana) and his Nagi consort left an immature baby in the sand dune during a leisure trip. The relationship between Angkor and Xiang-Mai leads us furthermore to believe that the Nagi consort of King Udayadityavarman II who gave birth to Prah Ruang, was from the Xiang-Mai royal house of a faction that drew their ancestry from the ancient Naga legacy of Southeast Asia.
The Tartarization of Yunnan
According to the Yunnan chronicle, a Kao king (Tche-Kao) revolted against the Sung authority prompting the Chinese court to send an expedition to quiet him down in 1053 (NCHAO: Sseu-Lien: P. 95). He was killed and had his head cut off to be sent to the Chinese court. The chronicle does not invoke the incidence of the Xiang-Mai king Cuang, but confirms that the Touan (Ruang) family name was then heard at the first time at the Sung court. On the other hand, the Lao tradition witnesses the new establishment of the Ho rulers at the Kao country right after King Cuang' s advent of invading Yunnan. It was them who took the initiative to crown King Cuang at the Kao court after the victory over the Kao king. It was perhaps the start of the Tai Pact that hold the next Xiang-Mai kings as close allies of the Ho rulers during the next Yuan Incursion of Yunnan (Notes: The Yuan Incursion in Yunnan). As the Kao king was identified by the Lao source as a Vietnamese ruler, he must to rule over the Ly' s court as known in the modern history of Dai-Viet. A comparing note with the Vietnamese source might shed more light to the overall politic of Yunnan during the early stage of the Mongolian invasion. Modern history of Dai-Viet confirms the intervention of the Sung Dynasty in Dai-Viet territory around 1075. It was mentioned to be a joint alliance with the Sri Vijaya and Angkor against Dai-Viet. The campaign was actually a carried on to capitalize on the last victory by king Cuang over the Kao domain that resulted in the collapse of the Kao court in 1053. The campaign however failed its objective and was defeated by the Viet army. We knew from the Lao source that King Cuang himself was killed during the attack and that the Kao court recovered back their rule over the Kao country. Nevertheless, king Cuang left the Ruang' s legacy that he created with the Kao consort in Yunnan to stay until the advent of the Yuan Incursion. The Sung then decided to scrap its control over Yunnan for good after its army was defeated through a heavy casualty. On the other hand, the triangular affair between Dai-Viet, Champapura and Angkor continued on until the fall of Angkor by the Yuan Incursion.
- ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
- RPNK: The Royal Pangsavadra of Nokor Khmer, by M. Tranet
- AInd: Ancient India, by R.C. Majumdar
- HI: History of Indonesia: early and Medieval, B.R. Chatterji
- HLao:History of Laos, Maha Sila Viravong, Translated by the U.S. Joint Publications research Service
- Shan:The Shan State and the British Annexation, by Sao Saimong Mangrai
- HPNT: Histoire particuliere du Nan-Tchao, by Yang Chen, Translated by Camille Sainson
944-968: The reign of Rajendravarman I; 949: The Rashtrakuta king Krishna III defeated and took control of the Chola; 968-1001: The reign of Jayavarman V; 985-1014: The reign of the King Rajaraja I (Chola); 1002-1006: The reign of Jayaviravarman; 1006-1050: The reign of Suryavarman I; 1014-1044: The reign of Rajendra I (Chola); 1044-1054: The reign of Rajadhiraja I (Chola); 1050-1066:The reign of Udayadityavarman II; 1054-1063: The reign of Rajendra II (Chola); 1066-1080: The reign of Harshavarman III; 1085-1093: The reign of King Cuang of Xiang-Mai
- The last Event of the Sailendra
After the reign of Yasovarman at Angkor, we had argued that the Sailendra epicenter had moved to Cambodia. Angkor was then known as Indrapath (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Ketomala Dynasty: The Identification of the Ketomala king and Visnukarman). Starting from the reign of Rajendravarman, Angkor started a closer connection with the Cholan Empire that undermined its past relationship with both Sri Langka and the Sri Vijaya.
- Rajaraja I Chola
Rajaraja (985-1018) was the Cholan king who played important role in the development of Southeast Asia during the dynastic crisis. Before delegating his throne to his son Rajendra, evidences show that he waged war against the Sri Vijaya of both Ceylon and the Malay Archipelago and succeeded in reducing both courts to shamble.
- Rajendra Chola
Rajendra (1018-1044) was the son of Rajaraja I Chola. Perhaps to distinguish him the Angkorean king Rajendravarman to whom he might descended, scholars often refer to him as Rajendra Chola. His continued his father' s hash policy against the Buddhist Sri Vijaya of both Ceylon and Angkor' s courts.
- The Timing of the Cholan Raids over Sri Vijaya
It was generally thought that the Cholan raids over Sri Vijaya were conducted during Rajendra Chola I' s reign. The fact that the Layden copper plate inscription was in Tamil lead us to believe that it was inscribed not during the reign of Rajendra I but of his son Rajendra II.
- Muang-Yang as Angkor' s northern Commanding Post
After its creation, Muang-Yang became a threat to Anuruddha who took necessary precaution to prevent Angkor from launching further campaign against his kingdom (The Ramana Desa: The Angkorean connection: The Shan Yun and the Shan Maw). Despite his preparation, we shall see that Pagan finally fell under the control of Angkor during the reign of Jayavarman VII and when that happened, Muang-Yang became an important Angkorean commanding post for its western control.
- Of the Province of Cangigu
Traversing east of Pagan, Marco Paulo had noticed the practice of the people of a country that he called Cangigu to have their body all covered with tattoo.
Both men and women have their bodies punctured all over, in figure of beasts and birds; and there are among them practitioners who sole employment is to trace out these ornaments with the point of a needle, upon the hands, the legs, and the breast. When a black coloring stuff has been rubbed over these punctures, it is impossible, either by water and otherwise, to efface the mark. (The Travel of Marco Polo: Of the Province of Cangigu).
- Yunnan after Khun Borom
During the next 332 years Kam-Sip-pha and his descendants appear to have reigned in regular succession, while nothing worth recording is to be found during the whole of this period. The succession, however, was broken at the death of Chau-Lip-Pha in 1035, and a relation of the race Taipong of Yun Lung was placed on the throne in that year. He was called Khun Kwot-pha and signalized the change in the succession by establishing a new capital, called Cheila, on the left bank of the shueli and immediately opposite Ma-Kau Mung-Lung. (Shan: Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P.VII)
- Two Buddhist Inscription from Sumatra
Among the rare inscriptions of Sumatra, the Rock inscription at Pasir Panjang in the island of the great Karimun consists of three lines of writing in very big Nagari letters of the 9th or 10th century AD (HI: Two Buddhist Inscription from Sumatra).
The brilliant feet of the glorious Gautama, the Mahayanist, were a Golayantra here.
The Gunug Tua statue inscription-Saka year 946 (1024 AD).
The inscription is incised on the base of a bronze statue of Avalokitesvara, represented with four arms and standing between two saktis. Brandes first deciphered it in Notulen bat. Gen. 1887. The three underlined words are Malay.
In the saka year of 946 on Friday, the third day of the bright half of the month of Chaitra at this date Surya the master-smith constructed the lord Lokanatha.
The latter part of the inscription forms the regular invocation of a Bodhisattva.
- The local leadership of Yunnan
Until the final takeover by the Ming Dynasty, Yunnan was back and forth between the Chinese and the Khmer dependency. Even under Chinese control, Yunnan was always quasi-independent from China. Controlled by local leadership clans of Sino-Tibetan tongue, Yunnan was more political connected to Central Asia than to China. Nevertheless, the conversion of the Mauryan Dynasty into Buddhism reconnected Yunnan culturally back with the mainland Indochina.