Nokor Thom

Project: Nokor Thom
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: June/01/2003
Last updated: June/30/2017
All right reserved.
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.

We had argued that Ta-Tche, along with its epicenter of Ta-Tsin, owed its first existence to Manipura and along the way extended itself to cover up the world (The Man Race: Nokor Phnom: The Countries of Brahmans). A legacy of Mahodhara, Ta-Tche was subject to the western development, even after the exodus of the Meru culture from Middle East (The Nagadvipa: Maha Nokor and the Maha Vamsa: Maha Nokor and the Spreading of Buddhism). Because of this past legacy, Ta-Tche was often mistakenly referred by western scholars to the Arab country. Like the Cholan Empire, Ta-Tche was not a kingdom but a consortium that bound Middle Eastern countries with the Sri Vijaya through the Sea trade agreement. The connection was established through direct contact with Arab merchants by the Indian Sea. After the formation of Angkor, Sri Vijaya had played important role in the sea trade business to become the leading country of the consortium. The dynastic crisis moreover resulted in moving the Sri Vijayan court to take over the Angkorean court. By driving the Cholan legacy out of the Angkorean court, the Sri Vijaya brought along the title of Maha Nokor to the Middle Kingdom. To complete the process, an arrangement by the two antagonist courts allowed the Chola to join back the Cakravatin Empire. By absorbing both courts under its roof, Angkor was now in a full potential to reclaim its title as a true cakravatin empire. Maha Nokor or Nokor Thom (Ta-Tche in Chinese source) became since an attribution of the Angkorean Empire. Unfortunately, The development that forced the Chola to consolidate its alliance with Angkor would impose the same adverse affect on the latter. Happening at the worst time of the Kala Yuga, a new influx of Tartarisation that brought instability to the Hindu World of South India had made its way also to Southeast Asia. Under these adverse circumstances, the reunion between the two powerhouses was expectedly fragile and Angkor had to suffer the consequence. After a short honeymoon, all ties were broken loose and rivalry was once again in full force. The Cholan and the Sri Vijayan courts were soon back to their ancient feud.

The Solomon' s Effect
Evidences of new influx of Tartarization in India brought Sakan leadership to take hold of the Indian royal houses. Through the new development, the Nanda lost their Sivaite and Buddhist zeal and went back to their Vishnuite devotion. The immediate impact was the infiltration of Cholan legacy at Angkor during the reign of Jayavarman IV and later at Ramandesa during the ascending of Kyanzitha on the Pagan throne. After the Dynastic crisis, Suryavarman I had made serious attempt to repair the broken relationship with the Chola who, at the top of their sussess, rejected the Sri Vijayan advance. Nevertheless, the lost of battle with the Muslim front line at the Gangetic India forced the Cholan clan to reconcile with the Angkorean court. At the same time, the Botumsurya dynasty was seen making its way into the Angkorean court after Suryavarman II usurped the Angkorean throne from his uncle. Continuing the policy of Suryavarman II, the next Angkorean monarchs replaced the cult of Siva-Buddhism Devaraja that was adopted by the Angkorean court since the foundation of Angkor with Vishnuism. Motifs displayed at new temples that were built after Angkor Wat included Vishnuite themes from the epic story of the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Most importantly, we see more of the Garuda' s depiction representing the celestial bird as the carrier of Lord Vishnu. In some of the depiction, Garuda was portrayed to attack the Naga. It was reflecting that the new generation of the Nanda who claimed themselves belonging to the Botumsurya dynasty lost most of their faith in Sivaism. As internal crisis took the upper hand of the Angkorean court, the cult of Devaraja was abandoned as each faction sought to resolve the conflict through military mean. Conforming to the fact that history repeats itself again, Angkor would suffer next the same fate that the Middle Eastern Jerusalem had been under the ruling of King Solomon ' s lineage. Spending most of his time in battlefield, Jayavarman VII brought order back for the last time during his reign at Angkor. It was the last breath of power that rendered Angkor into becoming a powerful empire again before its final collapse.

The inclusion of Cholan powerhouse in the politic of Angkor created strong impact on the welfare of the Cakravatin Empire. In the Angkorean court, the Buddhist establishment along with the cult of Devaraja were destroyed by Sutyavarman II and his Guru Divakara. After the end of his reign, his cousin Dharnindravarman II worsened the situation by letting his own frustration against the Buddhist Naga members of the Angkorean court out into the open retaliation. In Champapura where the orthodox Vishnuite sect was carried through unchallenged, the Sharia Law was practiced in full force and to make the matter worst, Champapura was looking for its own independence from Angkor. With Dai-Viet' s support, the next Cham rulers started to challenge the Angkorean supremacy and by doing so made themselve and Angkor vulnerable to foreign incursion.

The Return of the Vishnuite Orthodocy
The alliance between Kaundinya and the Kambunaga king marked the political attempt ever made to idealize the Trinity into a singularity under Budhhism. As part of the Khmerization, Vishuism was integrated into the Siva-Buddhism order that led to the cult of Hariharalaya being formed and adopted by the Angkorean court. As expected, the merging allowed the development of Angkor to be based on past blueprint of the previous Indian Cakravatin Empire. At first, the cult of Devaraja that was based on Sivaism became the crowning ceremony of Angkor. Consecrated under the protection of the god-king Paramesvara, Jayavarman II became the first of the Angkorean cakravatin monarchs of Sivaite devotion. Following the disrubtion of his son Jayavarman III from politic, Angkor lost the guidance of the Deva Dynasty during the rest of its existence. Evidences show that as much as the practice of the Devaraja ' s cult was strong, Angkorean monarchs could have their own non-Sivaite devotion and still c onformed themselves to the Meru' s legacy of the cult. For the most part, Brahmanism and Visnuism were also revered along side Buddhism in a close consortium with Sivaism (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Cult of Devarja: Sivaism and the cult of Devaraja). This unification worked well until the dynastic crisis that split Southeast Asian royal leadership into separate political factions. Fighting for supremacy, orthodox religious practices became one of the conflicting factors for each faction to hold on to its heritage (The Chola Dynasty: The diversion: The religious factor). It started with the revival of the Rashu' s legacy back to life and in the process launched his incarnated Rama as the new God King of the Vishnuite Cult. For the honor of his family, Rama went on raging war against the Ravana King of Ceylon to free his consort from the capture of Ravana. Lakshmana who was dragged in the messy war, completed the mission of driving out the Sri Vijaya from Malaya and took control of Ramandesa. During the crises, members of the Angkorean court fought hard to preserve the Meru tradition from the devastation of the conflict (The Sri Vijaya Connection: The Angkorean Empire under the Mahidhara court: Hinduism and the Cult of Devaraja). After taking over the Angkorean throne, Suryavarman I reestablished back the cult of Devaraja that was going to stand strong against the intrusion of Rashu. Even though the Visnuite cult was making its way to take hold of Angkor under the reign of Suryavarman II, Rama never made it to become a god-King of Angkor. This was because, as a cakravatin monarch of the Khmer Empire, Suryavarman II was conformed to his duty of looking first for the interest of Angkor. Still his action was proved to be very much off tract with the Meru tradition of a cakravatin empire. In contrast to his Buddhist predecessor Suryavarman I, who went to the great length restoring back the Sivaite Angkorean Tradition, the Vishnuite Suryavarman II condemned the family members of the Param-Guru and in the process discarded the cult of Devaraja for good. Immediately after the end of Suryavarman II' s reign, Angkor went into chaos. Orchestrated by hostile members of the Cholan Clan, the uprisings created opportunities for the Cholan powerhouse on their quest to control both Champa and Angkor. In Champapura, the Cham legacy was seen resuscitated back in the court Mi-son starting from the reign of king Harivarman II in 1002/1003 right during the reign of the Sri Vijayan king Jayaviravarman (1002-1006) at Angkor. New inscriptions in Champapura confirms the return of Jaya Indravarman II in 1010 following by a line of Vishnuite kings from both the Rama and Laksmana courts (BEFEO IV: Notes d'epigraphie pa M.L. Finot: Les Inscrption de Mi-son: La series des rois du Champa: P 908-910). Taking turn to run Champapura, they found the free Annamete court as crucial support to fight against Angkor. With the help of the military strong Annam, Champa' s incursion into the Angkorean politic aggravated. In this situation, the reign of Dharanindravarman and of Yasovarman II in particular, were plagued with crisis. While Dharanindravarman II spent the rest of his life trying to cure leprosy, internal conflicts went out of hand. His reign marked the turning point of conflicts between the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan elements of his court for the worst. In the new development, Champapura became the battleground between the Angkorean court and the reemergence Cham elements of both the Sailendra and the Cholan royal houses. It is important to note that while the hard core of the Cholan royal house was retaining Vishnuite orthodoxy, the Sailendra still kept their Buddhist tradition intact. Nevertheless, their close relationship was unbreakable as compared to the brotherhood of Rama and Laksmana in the Ramayana epic. By defeating the Angkorean attempt of taking back the Sri Vijayan ream of the Malay Peninsular, the Cholan consortium already took complete control of the Southern see-route. As expected, the Buddhist core of morality had been deteriorating along with the influence of Zoroastrianism and the Sharia Law was seen next common to the court of Champapura' s practices.

The Sharia Law
A new settlement in the Khorat plateau by the Indian Cholan powerhouse brought the Nanda' s legacy back in the birthplace of the Khmer Empire. At first, scholars found in the inscription of Wat Luang-Kau the same format of ancient inscriptions erected by previous members of the Kaundinya family of Prey-Nokor. This time however, the sponsor of the inscription, king Divanika presented himself as an ancestor to Rama. It is an Indian legacy that could not be confused with the Sivaite and Buddhist legacies brought by the first Kaundinya during the first establishment of the Khmer kingdom. In consistency with the fact that the new Nandas were the primary catalyst of the Vishnuite drive in South India, the Cholan members of Angkor were now dominantly Vishnuite (The Chola Dynasty: The Cholan Connection: The formation of the Cholan Empire at Tanjore). After Suryvarman II ' s disappearance, evidences show that Angkor was plagued with even more internal conflict. Traces of vandalizing and the replacement of Buddha' s image by Vishnuite divinities might have dated from the next reign. According to the inscription of Ta-Prohm, Dharanindravarman was the cousin of Suryavarman II and the son of Sri Mahidharaditya, the governor of Sri Vijaya. His mother was Rajapatindralaksmi, a princess from the royal house of Rajapaticvaragrama of Northern Siam. He married a daughter of Harshavarman III, the princess Chudamani by whom he had a son who reigned much later under the crown name of Jayavarman VII. His origin from Mahidhara through his father side, was perhaps the cause of discontentment that led to more unrest at Angkor where the presence of the Chola legacy had already been seated. However, he was also closer to the Cholan side through his mother ancestry. Judging from the unfolding next event, he would suffer the consequence of the unrest that already took hold of the Angkorean court. The Khmer tradition recounted a clash between the ruling king named Prah Bat Sanghacakra and his naga officials.
During his reign, when he came out to conduct his court he noticed that his ministers were not as respectful as they should. In furor, he killed a naga minister with his own sword. According to legend, the blood from the dead naga made him ill of leprosy and people called him the Leper King. (RPNK: The Leper King)
The story confirms the presence of the Sri Vijayan official members at Angkor late after the reign of Suryvarman II. As we recall back, the tradition of mixing naga and Khmer officials started since the consortium between the Khmer King Prah Thong and his father in law, the Kambunaga king. The union was from the beginning a successful campaign to launch first the Khmer and later the Angkorean Cakravatin Empire. Not only that mix blood between the Khmer and the Sri Vijayan royal houses were ruling Angkor, Naga (Sri Vijayan) officials were also presented in the court of Angkor since its formation. The inclusion of the Cholan members however needs serious adjustment. As we had seen, Suryavarman II had done his best to curb down conflict between both extreme factions of the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan clans. However, his way of handling conflicts by military mean failed to accomplish its goal as fighting still continued during the next reign of Dharanindravarman II. The rebellious attitude of the naga officials moreover reveals the leaning of the latter king toward the Cholan side of the court. The incidence that resulted in the king becoming ill of Leprosy, was an iconic event in Khmer tradition of Angkor about the bad effect of internal crisis during the last stage of the Angkorean period. Oral tradition moreover identifies the Leper King as the father of Jayavarman VII who was no other than Dharanindravarman II and stresses that he had spent the rest of his life as an hermit on mount Kulen, trying unsuccessfully to cure himself. The rest of his reign was obscure as inscriptions stopped mentioning about him. The incident obviously contributed to more unrest at the end of his reign that was carried on to the next reign. At Champapura where the Nanda took control after the agreement with the Sri Vijaya, the come back of Vishnuism was even more noticeable. New Cham inscriptions that were erected at the site of Champapura, started to commemorate a new line of kings who introduced themselves as Civananda but unmistakably with Vishnuite affinity. The crown title of Harivarman or Jaya Hariarman, for instance, confirms that they were not Sivaite. To make the matter worst, evidences also show proof of orthodox practices of Sharia Law by the new Cham court that mimics South Indian schools of Vishnuism. According to the inscription of Mi-Son, when the Cham King Harivarmandeva died, a ceremony was performed in his honor (MI-SON: Inscription found in front of the big temple: Face C: Lines 25-27, P.939).
He died with his unshakable faith in 1103 Saka. Then accompanying him in the death, his wives, princesses and concubines, altogether at the number of fourteen.
The inscription blames the next development to his court that took advantage of the new heir, still in his prime youth (9 years old) to induce Sivaite practice back to the Champa' s mainstream politic. It indicates the politically unstable of the Champa's ourt policy, facing with the Angkorean effort to curb the vishnuite interference over the Angkorean establishment.

The Reign of Yasovarman II
After the reign of King Dharanindravarman II, the next Angkorean king Yasovarman II was particularly entangled with crises over Champapura. We know not much about his background but we know that his short reign was particularly plagued with internal crisis and wars with the Cholan side of the family. The inscription of Banteay Chmar (Le Cambodge t. II: Inscription of Banteay Chmar, Aymonier, P.345) recounted two revolts against him and commemorated heroes who risked their lives for his protection during the fighting. The first event occurred during the raid of Yasovarman' s palace by an usurper and was narrated thoroughly in the inscription.
When the Bharata Rashu Samvuddhi revolted against S. M. Yasovarman and stormed the royal palace (vrah mandira) all fled. The king emerged from hiding and fought.
During the fight, two court' s members sacrificed their lives to save the king.
The Sanjak Arjuna and the Sanjak Sri Dharadevapura fought to protect the king and succumbed under the king' s eyes. After the repression of the revolt, the king conferred the titles of Vrah Kamraten An Sri Naripatisinhavarman to Sanjak Devapura, son of Sanjak Sri Dharadevapura, and conferring the dignity of Amten to the two Sanjak, he erected their statues and provided their families with goods and favors."
The same inscription describes the second event occurring at Champapura, during a campaign against its new ruler Jaya Indravarman IV in 1166-67.
The king invaded the Dvipa of Champa oriental and captured the fortress (durgatti) that the king of Champa Sri Jaya Indravarman had constructed on the mount Vet. He delegated the conquered throne to an army general (senapati) of the Champa court.
The victory was however short-lived as the Cham troops regrouped themselves and came back to ambush the Khmer army.
The people of Champa set an ambush with a dozen bodies of troops who while succumbing, still fought valiantly. The king ordered his army to back off from the top of the mount Trayacar. The Chams lanced their last assault, encircling the king' s troupe. All were perishing, except thirty-one of them. The king descended the mountain and fought with no one measured up to him.
Once again two officers volunteered themselves to sacrifice their lives to save the king.
The Sanjak Sri Deva and the Sanjak Sri Vardhana whose families were tied by oath and who were originated from Vijayapura requested the authorization to exercise their devotion. The Chams stepped up in numbers and assaulted them with spears. The two, keeping up their wows, succumbed under the king' s eyes. The king headed the Khmers to fight by the four lakes.
He was able to free himself and after retreating back to Cambodia, he commemorated the two Sanjak along with the previous two heroes to the divinity status. The inscription indicates the erection of four Kamraten jagats on the site of the temple of Banteay Chmar at its four cardinal points. At the southeast of the temple, he placed the god Arjunadeva, at its Northeast the god Dharadeva, at its Southwest the god Devadeva, and at its Northwest the god Varadhanadeva. Standing among the four companions in arm is the statue of Srindravarman, a son of Jayavarman VII (ISSA: XI: Cambodia at the high of its power: Cambodia in the first haft of the thirteenth century). The commemoration of Srindravarman among the heroes indicates that he was fighting among them to safeguard Yasovarman II, against the hard core of the Vishnuite pact. Returning back home, Yasovarman II' s ordeal was not over and would soon face another crisis. Another obscure figure by the same reference of Bharata Rashu Samvuddhi started to revolt and succeeded to wrest the Angkorean throne from him (Notes: The Bharata Rashu). After he subdued the Angkorean court, he then took the throne and reigned under the name of Tribhuvanadityavarman. According to the inscription of Phimanakas, Jayavarman VII rushed from Vijaya for the rescue, but it was too late.
Yasovarman having been (assaulted) by a servant, ambitious of taking the throne, the king returned from Vijaya in haste to rescue the sovereign. However that (servant) had already stripped Sri Yacovarman of his kingdom and life. He stayed to save the kingdom loaded with heavy crimes and waiting for the prospice moment. (Inscription du Cambodge, t. 2: Grande Stele du Phimanakas: Stanzas LXV to LXVI)

The Reign of the Champa King Jaya Indravarman I
During his last campaign in Champapura, Yasovarman II barely escaped the ambush set by the Cham army. The two officers who gave their lives to save him were commemorated to receive high honors in the inscription of Banteay Chmar. They were mentioned to be not from the Angkorean court but from the court of Vijayapura (Sri Vijaya). Khmer inscriptions, on the other hand, reveal that Jayavarman VII was in military mission at Prey-Nokor. The fight again the Cham King by Yasovarman II was obviously orchestrated with the help of Srindravarman who along with his father, Jayavarman VII was also taking part in the campaign against Champapura. The inscription of Harivarman at the temple of Mi-son confirms that during the attack of the Khmer troops, Harivarman managed to defeat the Khmer army and captured the Khmer prince in command of the army.
He subdued the troops of Kambujadesa at Somescvara and captured the prince who commanded the army, Sri Nandavarmandeva who was sent in the quality of Senapati. (IM: Inscription found in front of the big temple: Face B: Lines 20 to 27, P. 935)
In conjunction with other events, we are tempted to believe that the captured Khmer prince was no other than Jayavarman VII himself. He was mentioned to be a senapati (army marshal) of the Angkorean court and was sent to leed the Khmer troops to fight against the Cham king. If our assumption is correct, it answers some of the questions regarding what Jayavarman VII did in Prey-Nokor prior to his return to Angkor. After losing the battle against the Cham King, he was held by the latter as prisoner at Champapura until he was freed to head back to Angkor in the attempt to stop the usurpation from taking place. According to the inscription of Phimanakas, Jayavarman VII rushed from Vijaya to Angkor to rescue his uncle, but it was too late.
Yasovarman having been (assaulted) by a servant, ambitious of taking the throne, the king returned from Vijaya in haste to rescue the sovereign. However Sri Yacovarman had already been stripped of his kingdom and life by that (servant). He stayed to save the kingdom loaded with heavy crimes and waiting for the prospice moment. (Inscription du Cambodge, t. 2: Grande Stele du Phimanakas: Stanzas LXV to LXVI)
The passage referred the usurper king Tribhuvanadityavarman as a servant that was likely an understatement of the inscriber in the effort to bring down his credibility. We had identified him as no other than the prominent Cholan king who proclaimed himself as Maharajadhiraja Divanikor in the inscription of Wat Luang Kau (The Construction of Angkor Wat: The Return of the Cholan Legacy: The Move toward Champapura). With some kind of arrangement with Angkor, he might have been installed as governor of Prey Nokor. What happened next confirms to us that the Cham king Jaya Indravarman I was not please with the usurpation and did anything in his power to prevent the king Divanikor to become the ruler of Angkor. He apparently freed Jayavarman VII in haste for the rescue of Yasovarman but it was too late to save the Angkorean throne. According to the inscription of Phimanakas, he decided to lead an attack deep into the Angkorean palace against the new usurper king himself.
Jaya Indravarman, the king of the Chams, presumptuous as Ravana, transporting his army in chariots, went to fight the country of Kambu, like to heaven.
(Inscription du Cambodge, t. 2: Grande Stele du Phimanakas: Stanza LXVIII)

The battle was indecisive and Jaya Indravarman had to withdraw his troop back to Champapura. He then prepared another expedition toward Angkor and, according to a Chinese source, he used different strategy for the attack. Instead of assaulting by land as it was previously conducted, this time he attacked Angkor by boats. Guided by a Chinese castaway, the expedition arrived at Mekong and sailed up the great lake to the surprise of the Angkorean court. The attack of the Champa' s king that was recorded by a Chinese text finally achieved its goal.
The king of Chan-Cheng attacked the capital of Chenla without warning with a powerful fleet, pillage it and put the king of Chenla to death without listening to a peace proposal.
Clearly the naval attack of the Champa King had the upper hand over the armies of the Angkorean king who lost his life during the battle (Notes: The Cham Invasion). He took over the Angkorean throne and perhaps because of the victory, one of the inscriptions of Mi-son commemorated him with the title of Maharajadhiraja.

At the time that Champapura was seen gaining strength under the leadership of the new displaced Chola Dynasty, Angkor was dragged more and more into its own internal crisis. After coronation, Yasovarman II tried in vain to stabilize the country, but lost his life during the usurpation of Triphuvanaditya. After the usurper was himself put-down by the Champa King Jaya Indravarman, Angkor' s crises appeared to wine down. During the ascension of Jaya Indravarman on the throne of Angkor, no inscriptions provided us with the information of his reign and most importantly of the return of Jayavarman VII who had to wait 15 years to free Angkor and bring back order to the Khmer Cakravatin Empire.

The Reign of Jayavarman VII (1181-1220)
The inscription of Say-Fong (in Laos) introduced Jayavarman VII as the son of Dharanindravarman II and the princess Judamani from Jayadityapura. Through his father, he was a second cousin of Suryavarman II and through his mother who was a daughter of Harshavarman III, he was a great grandson of Suryavarman I of the Sri Vijayan Dynasty. We knew nothing about his childhood, under the reign of his father Dharanindravarman II who was apparently ascending the Angkorean throve after the mysterious death of king Suryavarman II. From the fact that he received the same title as the defunct king whose reign was cut short of king Suryavarman II's usurpation, we believes that he was actually his son whom the Angkorean court placed back to the Angkorean throne after the latter's death. He was born at the latest in 1125 and was married to the princess Jayarajadevi who had a great deal of influence over him. The inscription of Phimanaksas that was inscribed by his second queen Indradevi who was no other than the elder sister of his first wife, provides the rest of information about his early life before he was crowned (Inscriptions du Cambodge II: Grande stele du Phimanakas, George Coedes). According to the inscription, Jayavarman VII left Cambodia to conduct a military expedition in Champa, at Vijaya (Binh-Dinh). During the campaign he learnt the death of his father and the accession of Yasovarman II. During the usurpation of the king Triphuvanaditya, he returned in great haste to safeguard the Angkorean throne, but it was too late. The Angkorean court was already under the control of the usurper and later was wrested away by the Champa King, Jaya Indravarman. An excerpt of the inscription of Crun Angkor Thom contains a summary of the late developments of recent reigns at Angkor.
In the pass, after a battle of only one day, the king Dharnindravaman was stripped by Sri Suryavarman (II) of kingdom with no defense. The king Yacovarman who won Phuma Daitya, was stripped by the king Triphuvanaditya; and the latter, proud of his force, was at his turn stripped by the Cham king Jaya Indravarman.
(Inscriptions du Cambodge IV: The inscription de temple Crun Angkor Thom: Stanza CVIII Translation: pp. 230-231)
Perhaps erected by Jayavarman VII himself, the inscription at first provided us with a good source of information regarding the last reigns of the Angkorean kings starting from king Dharnindravaman until the take over by the Champa' s king Jaya Indravarman. The passage " The King Yacovarman who won Phuma Daitya" appeared to indicate that Yacovarman already have won over Burma that resulted, as we shall see, in Ramanadesa being under the vassalage of Angkor (Notes: The Dependency of Ramanadesa). Jayavarman VII brought these past mistakes of his predecessors during each of their reigns, for the reminding to himself and to the future kings of Angkor to prevent the same mistakes again. It shows how keen Jayavarman VII was in his handling of the state affair. This aptitude among many more of his qualities were crucial in salvaging Angkor from total disorder to become once again a powerful empire. The last event that drove the Champa King Jaya Indravarman to invade Angkor was perhaps the same event that set Jayavarman VII on the Angkorean throne. Continuing our assumption that he was held at Champapura as a prisoner of the Champa court, but was released for the rescue of king Yacovarman, Jayavarman VII ascended the Angkorean throne either by rebelling against the Cham King or by becoming a vassal of him. After the Cham attack, it was clear that the Angkorean court was in disarray and many strategic locations were now under the sway of Champapura under the Cholan court. As had been done by Suryavarman I and Suryavarman II in the past, a strong policy had to be adopted to safeguard the Cakravatin Empire. It was undeniable that Jayavarman VII had adopted a hash policy in the attempt to restore back the control of the Angkorean Empire. In the word of Ma Tuan Lin, when the time had come he decided to wreak terrible vengeance on his enemies. Many inscriptions of both Khmer and Cham sites reveal that he had spent the rest of his life to fulfill that mission. In the campaign, he enlisted many Yuvarajas who were brought up at Angkor and tasks were assigned to them in an effort to stabilize many parts of the empire. Malayu and Vijaya were two among many dependencies that were on the top priority list of Jayavarman VII to bring back under Angkorean control. To recall back, Sri Dhammaraja had been wrested by the Chola from Ramanadesa and was handed over to the Sri Vijayan Empire. After the reign of Suryavaramn II, rivalry came back in a big way between the two contenders. Starting on their new feuds, anarchy settled in that required Jayavarman VII' s attention. Being of importance to the Angkorean economy, Sri Dharmaraja was the first of his list to bring back order. With the assistance a young Nan apprentice Vidyanandanan, he started on a campaign to quiet down the revolt at Malayu (Malayang). Being under the leadership of the Chola Dynasty, Prey Nokor was declaring its independence and changed itself into become a contender for the control of Angkor. The next task of the Yuvaraja Vidyanandanan was to lead Khmer troops to take back the control and stabilize this eastern Angkorean cardinal state.

The Prince Vidyanandana-Suryavarmadeva of the Nan Country
Among eminent figures that played important role in the restoration of the Angkorean Empire, a prince of Nan named Vidyanandana had proved himself capable in the court of Jayavarman VII. To recall back, Nan was developed as part of Rajapati by Suryavarman I, into becoming the northern commanding post of Angkor. Under the leadership of his guru Divakarapandita, Suryavarman II continued on establishing Nan as an Angkorean vassal along with Vieng-Chan (The Construction of Angkor Wat: The Dependency of Rajapati: The Reestablishment of Muang Nan). It is thus not surprising that Vidyanandana, a descendant of the court of Nan, later adopted the titled of Suryavarmadeva during his own coronation as king of Sri Vijaya at Prey-Nokor. It was actually a claim to the Botumsurya' s ancestry of the Angkorean tradition. The inscription of Suryavarmadeva that was found at the temple of Mi-son describes his childhood at the Angkorean court and his early career as a young commander of the Angkorean army (IM: Inscription found in front of the big temple: Face D: P. 974).
When he was in the prime of his youth, in Saka 1104 (1182 AD), prince Vidyanandana went to Kamboja. The king of Kamboja seeing that he had all the thirty marks, took an interest in him and taught him, like a prince, all the sciences and military skills.
The passage indicates that Vidyanandana had been raised and trained in the Angkorean court as an Angkorean prince. Right after the ascension of Jayavarman VII at Angkor, he had been entrusted to take on military services in 1182, His first mission was to lead Angkorean troops to subdue rebellion in Malayu.
While he was living in Kamboja, a city in this Kingdom named Malayang, which was inhabited by a throng of wicked men over whom the Kambojans had established their mastery, revolted against the king of Kamboja. The king seeing that the prince was well versed in military science, commissioned him to lead Kambojan troops to win over the city of Malayang. He complied completely with the wishes of the king of Kamboja. This king seeing his valor conferred on him the high rank of Yuvaraja and gave him all possessions and good things that could be found in the kingdom of Kamboja.
It is important to note that Malayang was actually the capital of Sri Dharmaraja and the hometown of Mahodhara family members of the last Angkorean court. The rebellious activity undoubtedly started since the reign of Suryavarman II by usurping the throne of Angkor against Dharninvarman I. Vidyanandana had proved his competency and Jayavarman VII went on to take control of Sri Dharmaraja. After stabilizing the southern cardinal state of Angkor, Jayavarman VII then entrusted Vidyanandana to conquer back Champapura from its contemporary ruler Jaya Indravarman.
In Saka 1112 (1190 AD), the king Sri Jaya Indravarmandeva On Valuv rose against the King of Cambodia. The king then sent the prince, at the head of Cambodian troops, to take Vijaya and captured the King Jaya Indravarman On Vtuv. The prince had him brought into Cambodia by the Cambodians. He then proclaimed the King Suryajayavarmadeva, the prince In, brother-in-law of the king of Cambodia, as the ruler of Vijaya nagara.
Mission accomplished, the prince went to Panduranga and made himself king of Rajapura. The conflict between Angkor and the Cholan Clan did actually started during previous reign. Jayavarman VII might have been born in the Nan country and like the prince Vidyanandana had been serving in the court of Yasovarman II as senapati to figh off the Cham rebellion. As he ascended the Angkorean throne, crises in Champapura did not subside. After a short period of time, the Prince In who was installed to rule over Sri Vijaya found himself in crises again. He was driven out of Vijaya by another member of the Cholan clan, the prince Rashupati and had to return back to Angkor. Jayavarman VII then sent Khmer troops along with the last Champa king Jaya Indravarman On Vtuv, to the Yuvaraja to led against prince Rashupati. The prince seized the capital of Vijaya, and after killing the prince Rashupati, he made himself king of Vijaya. The last Champa king Jaya Indravarman On Vtuv then escaped to Amaravati and gathered troops to fight against the yuvaraja. He was defeated and killed by Vidyanandana during the attack. After defeating Cambodian troops sent many time later by Angkor in the attempt to take back Champapura, the yuvaraja finally declared himself king of the whole Champapura. His rebellious activity constituted, through the crises of subordination of Cham ruler houses of Vishnuite Orthodoxy, the 32 years war of fighting between Angkor and its eastern cardinal state. Needless to say, the internal feud weakened Angkor ' s military capability to stand against the next Mongolian incursion.

The Anointment of Mangalavarman as the Governor of Rajapati
Although Jayavarman VII was a devout Buddhist, we nevertheless observe that Brahmanism continue to play important role in his court. Rewards for top Brahmans were high and the inclusion into royal family of imminent Brahmans was a long tradition of Angkor. The inscription of Ta-Prohm (BEFEO VI: La Steles de Ta-Prohm, George Coedes) attests this special treatment to his guru and family members.
During his coronation, he gave as daksina to his guru a royal palanquin in gold. With ribbons, flags, banners of peacock' s feathers, umbrellas and fans with gold handle. He gave to his guru the title of Crijayamangalarthadeva and a grama with the name of Rajapatindra; [he gave] to the family of his [guru] the title of royal family.
It was a highest reward ever to be given to a member of his court. As the title Rajapatindra indicates that he was appointed to be the ruler of Rajapati (Muang Raja), he and the whole family resided over this northern Shan State with the title of royal family. We had seen that during the reign of Suryavarman I, Muang Raja extended the ancient ream of Sri Ksettra (Rajapuri or Angkorpuri) of the Menam Valley to include Xiang-Mai and other northern Siam Countries as well. The similarity of event and title leads us to believe that Crijayamangalarthadeva was the same person as Mangalavarman who, in position as the governor of Ayudhya, erected the Khmer inscription found at the site of Ayudhya. In the same inscription, he also listed his brother Jaya Simhavarman as the governor of Lavo. Through the depiction of the wall of Angkor Wat, we know that he was also receiving high honor in the court of Suryavarman II (The Construction of Angkor Wat: The Making of Mahanokor: Lavo as the Angkorean military Command Post). This development was in tune with Suryavarman II and later Jayavarman VII' s expansionist policy in consolidating the Angkorean Cakravatin Empire over the whole of the ancient Nagadvipa' s territory. Despite their internal conflicts, both the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan faction of the Angkorean court took turn to strengthen the Angkorean control over their former allies. In his records, Chao-Ju-Kua provided a new list of the Angkorean dependency to include:
Teng-liu-Mei(on the Malay Peninsula), Po-ssu-lan(on the Cost of Siam), Lohu (Lavo, Lopburi), San-Lo (Shan Kingdom), Chen-li-fu, Ma-Lo-Wen, Lu Yang, Tun-li-fu, Pukan (Burma), Wa-li, Tu-huai-sun. (CJK: Kamboja Chon-La: P. 53)
Besides the Menam Valley that was traditionally under Lavo and was part of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire, the list includes two new localities brought into Angkor' s control: The Shan country (San-Lo) and Burma (Pukan). The fact that both countries were brought under Angkor, we shall see that Crijayamangalarthadeva would play even more important role in extending the Angkorean control to the west. It is consistent with the fact that the court of Pagan was seen later monitored by a delegation from a foreign court that scholars had identified as of the Shan country. We shall further identify this Shan powerhouse as no other than Muang Yang and most importantly that it was operating under the control of Angkor. As we shall see, the exploit mentioned in local Shan chronicles was actually Angkor' s western expansion through its northern gate. The Shan tradition went further to confirm that the Shan Mao country extended their control until Assam deep into the ancient Grand Bramhman country. It is likely that this development is part of the revival of Burmese past Aryan legacy under the Angkorean control. In contrast to the Anuruddha' s policy of suppressing the Ari communities in the past, Angkor favored Bramhmanism all along and recognized it as the true progenator of the Meru or Aryan culture. Angkor' s recognition and promotion of Brahmanism attracted Brahmans from all Ramanadesa and the Shan countries to seek opportunities in the Middle Kingdom. Under the Angkorean policy, evidences show that many imminent Brahmans left Pagan to seek better opportunity at Angkor. Among them was a Brahman named Hrishikes coming from Pagan to manifest his knowledge and made his career in the Angkorean court. He was recruited by Jayavarman VIII and became the immediate successor of Jaya Mangalavarman to carry on the governor-ship of Rajapati and the development of the Shan country. He and his descendants continued to serve Jayavarman VIII and the next two of his successors during the hard time that Angkor had to face the Mongolian incursion (The Break down of the Cakravatin Empire: The Fall of Angkor: The End of King Srindravarman' s Reign).

After the reign of Suryavaman I, Haripunjaya under the displaced Lavo court seceded itself from the control of the new Angkorean court. This breakaway lent support to the emergence of the Ramana court at Pagan under the leadership of Anuruddha. While the legacies of the ancient Lavo court were resuscitated in the new Burmese court, Anurudha brought up Hinayana Buddhism into becoming the state religion of Burma. After his reign, evidences show that the Buddhist devotion of the Mon country suffered more and more serious setback as his successors maintained close connection with South India.

The Last of the Ramana Country
After the overall decline of the Cholan Empire, the Tamil country was back to its ancient Vishnuite orthodoxy of the Sangum era. After ascending the Pagan' s throne, Kyanzitha brought the Triphuvanaditya from the Talaing country and established stronger Vishnuite legacy over the Mon' s court. Nevertheless, he still makes a good impression to the Buddhist court of Song Dynasty. When he sent tribute to the Chinese court in 1106, he was receiving from the council of the Rite of China the same honor as the ruler of Ta-Tche that was Angkor proper. The recognition obviously conveys the strong positioning of Ramandesa with the support of the Tamil country. From then on, Ramanadesa became rival of the Angkorean empire and skirmishes between the two powerhouses had been noticed ever since in the Mon tradition (Ramandesa: The Angkorean Connection: The Conflict over Haripangjaya). After the death of Kyanzitha, his successor continued on conducting hostile policies against the Angkorean court. That would change less than two centuries later when the Khmer Empire had attained the high of its might and embarked on expanding its dependency. At the same time, evidences show that the Ramana country went steadily into decline as the Mon kings, mostly by self-indulgence, were drowned more in more into the dark side. During the reign of king Narathu, Buddhism suffered the most setbacks that drove the chief monk Panthagu to leave Pagan. Before the departure, he went to the court and confronted Narathu of his late scheme. The king had tricked Panthagu to involve in a plot, against his own brother. Disgusted and angry, the chief monk went to condemn Narathu of his evil deed.
Thou vile king! Thou fool king! Thou fearest not to woe thou shall suffer in samasara. Though now thou reignedst, thinkest thou that the body shall not grow old, not die. A king more damned than thou there is not in all the world! (GPC: Part V: Wrath of Panthagu)
After the departure of Panthagu for Ceylon, anarchy settled in and the Ramana country did not only lose its supremacy, but also its sanity. According to Burmese tradition, Narathu died in 1167-71 assassinated by eight Kala mercenaries. The Kala King of Pateikkara ordered the assassination to revenge his daughter who was a consort of Narathu. In a bedroom quarrel, she was slain on the spot by Narathu himself. Ramana court' s foreign policy was even worst when dealing with the Buddhist court of Sri Langka. Used to be in friendly term, Sri Langka became in conflict with Ramandesa after the bad deal of war elephant' s trading. When the Simhalese king sent a diplomatic envoy in destination to Angkor, the Ramana court sent its troupes to intercept and seize the Simhalese princess, on a family mission to the court of Jayavarman VII. The Simhalese king who was no other than king Parakramabahu I was obviously upset of the Burmese interference and sent his troupes for retaliation. The Culavamsa chronicle described in detail the attack against Ramanadesa, the country of ancient Burma (CuII: Chapter LXXVI: Account of the Capture the Town of Rajina: pp. 64-70). Scattered by a storm, all the Simhalese fleets did not reach the same destination. One had landed at Kakadipa (island of the crows), five others at Kusumpi (Basin) and the one carrying the leader reached Papphala. They disembarked and carried on their mission by pillaging, burning, massacring and taking prisoners. After the raids, the Simhalese influence over the Burmese affair was easily checked by the series of changes that followed. The elder monk Panthagu who was the successor of Shin Arahan returned back from Ceylon to Burma. He left Pagan in 1167 to protest the evil act committed by king Narathu and stayed at Ceylon until the succumbing of the Ramana court. He died shortly after his return in 1173. At the same time, evidence shows that Jayavarman VII, in close connection with the Simhalese king Parakramabahu I was also benefiting from the outcome of the raids. The new Angkorean Empire had finally acquired the control of the Irrawadi Valley the first time since the reign of Suryavarman I. Without specific information, we only can speculate that during the Simhalese attack, Angkor had also conducted its own raid against Pagan. After the death of Narathu the Burmese tradition indicates that the throne went to Naratheinhka (1171-12174) who reigned only for a short time. Infatuated with with his sister in law he was later assassinated and his brother, Narapatisithu (1174-1211) was next to ascend the throne of Pagan. It is important to note that his reign was contemporary to that of Jayavarman VII (1162-1201) and that his title Narathipati was an Angkorean title for the governor of Nararatha and at the same time reserved for Angkor' s obraja. Traditionally, the title was used in the court of Lavo, but we see now that it was assigned at the court of Pagan instead.

The Restoration of Hinayana Canon of Buddhism
Contrary to the common belief that Angkor received Hinayana Buddhism from neighboring states such as Ramanadesa and Syam, evidences show that the Theravada canon of Buddhism was brought to spread in Southeast Asia by Kaundinya, the founder of the Khmer Empire. While the Angkorean court used the Sivaite Cult of Devaraja to carry on the Cakravatin crowning ceremony, Hinayan Buddhism had always been practiced by the Khmer people. Following the same tradition, Angkor expanded Hinayana Buddhism to the northern Siam countries through Haripangjaya. In close connection with the Sri Vijaya, the Angkorean Court had always been in contact with Ceylon and was actively contributing to the spreading the Hinayana Canon into the mainland. The progression however stopped during the rise of the Cholan Empire that started with the dynastic crisis during the reign of Jayavarman V at Angkor. Under attacks by the Chola, Buddhism was virtually destroyed at Sri Langka. With the help of Anurudhha, the surviving Ceylon court restored the faith as soon as the Chola was driven out of the Island. In a twist of faith, Buddhism at Burma suffered the same setback after the Cholan intrusion after the death of Anurudhha. After the reign of Kyanzitha, Buddhism took the subordinating role in the court of the next Talaing kings. At the Angkorean court, the same mistreatment from members of the Cholan kings belonging to the Botumsurya lineage drove the Buddhist faith to a stand still. Only after Jayavarman VII took control of the Angkorean throne that Buddhism was restored back in Angkor to its past glory. It was when the chronicle of Sri Dharmaraja mentions about the request to the king Sri Dharmasokaraja (of Sri Dhammraja), asking for the relics of Buddha to enshrine the reliquaries of the Middle Kingdom.
He understood that Brahya Sri Dharmasokaraja had built a great reliquary 37 fathom high, and on erecting it had enshrined the holy relics in it, while the 84,000 reliquaries of the Middle Country were without relics to enshrine.
The Middle Kingdom of this story line was referring to Yasodhara of the Angkorean Empire and its ruler was Jayavarman VII (Notes: The Middle Kingdom). The passage reflects the aggrandizement of Nokor Thom over the Malay Peninsula that extended its control to Ramanadesa under his reign. The local king Sri Dharmasokaraja was no doubt belonging to the Sri Vjayan house of Mahidhara dynasty. According to the chronicle, Jayavarman VII asked for Buddha' s relic to distribute among Buddhist shrines on the Angkorean site and everywhere else within the new cakravatin dominion. While Buddhism had virtually moved out from India, Angkor with the inclusion of Ramanadesa became solely a world Buddhist Cakravatin Empire. Nevertheless, many of its reliquaries were without relics. According to the chronicle of Sri Dharmaraja, Jayavarman VII was himself an advocate of the Hinayana discipline and a well verse of the Pali Language.
That bana Sri Dharmasokraja [of the Middle Kingdom] had erected 84,000 reliquaries. He knew the principles [of Buddhism] and also could translate from Pali for meaning as well as a monk could. (CNSDB: Chapter IV: Nagara Sri Dharmaraja In Legendary Times: Episode III: Sharing the Relics with the Middle country)
The chronicle also titled him as Dharmasokaraja, a connection to the ancient Asoka lineage of the Mauryan Empire. This common connection between the rulers of Langka, Sri Vijaya, Chiangmai and the Angkorean Empire constituted the big family (Mahavamsa) of South-Asian Buddhist kings. On the cultural front, King Jayavarman VII adopted Mahayana Buddhism as his state religion. Nevertheless the presence of one of his son in Sri Langka, as we shall see later, studying Hinayana discipline, suggests that Hinayana Buddhism had already been anchored in his court. In contrast, evidences show that Buddhism in Ramandesa suffered a serious setback through the negligence of the Talaing court. As soon as he had control of Ramanadesa, Jayavarman VII was seen picking up the pieces to bring back Buddhism in the Mon country. The Simhalese Buddhism, invigorated by king Parakramabahu I and reviewed by the orthodox sect of Mahavihara was seen heading its way to Burma. In 1180, a Mon named Uttarajiva, embarked for Ceylon with a group of monks, bearers of message of peace addressed to the sovereign of the island. He left there a young Mon novice, twenty years old, name Chapata, who remained in Ceylon for 10 years. Chapata returned in 1190 with four other monks who, like him, had received ordination according to the rites of the Mahavihara.
In the kingdom of Pagan, among the four elders who had come from Ceylon, Chapata the elder died, and Sivali the elder, Tamalinda the elder, and Ananda the elder published abroad the books of the Pitaka and caused the religion to shine.
One of the monks, Tamalinda, was a son of Jayavarman VII. According to the Glass Palace Chronicle, Tamalinda stayed at Pagan and helped restoring the Buddhist tradition back to the Mon people. In contribution with the other four fellow elders from Ceylon, he published the books of Pitaka and propelled the spreading of Hinayana sect in Pagan. Under the initiative of Jayavarman VII, Hinayana Buddhism was being brought back to life and stayed strong in Burma until modern days.

Ramanadesa as a Dependency of Angkor
It is important to recall back that Ramanadesa had been since the time of its formation, hostile to Angkor. After it was drawn under its control, Angkor took measure to make sure that Ramandesa stayed under its subordination. The Glass Palace Chronicle refers the new country as Pugarama, of which two short-formed derivatives as a reference to Burma were found in Khmer sources as Pukam and Puma (Phuma). Etymologically, Pugarama (Puga-rama) indicates a unification of the Shan Maw country of Rajapati (Puga) and the Mon (Rama) country of Ramanadesa. The fact that the Shan Maw country was then known in Shan tradition as Muang Pukha (Puga) indicates that the Shan Maw and its Pukha' s legacy had once again spread itself over the Mon country under the control of Angkor. Along with this development, we had seen the presence of Angkor' s delegation working on consolidating the ancient Cholan Empire. By including the northern Shan countries into Pukam, the Pukha Dynasty conditioned Ramanadesa into a western cardinal state of Angkor. As a result of the new development, more and more of Burmese legacies from both the Northern Shan and Arakanese countries were to join in the last surviving court of Pagan. Following the attack of Ceylon on Ramandesa, the conquest of Ramandesa appeared to be at first due to circumstantial rivalry between Angkor and Ramanadesa. A closer look however reveals that it was actually a race against time preparation for the eucaliptic exploitation of the Mongolian Empire all around the world. By then, Gengish Khan had already made his massive conquest and destruction to the west and his grandson Kublai Khan (1260-1294) started to make his move into invading Yunnan. Facing with the new dilemma, evidences show that both Angkor and the Song court of China had made necessary preparation to face Kublai' s final move. The retraction of the Rajapati court to Bangladesh (Vanga desa) was obviously the latest move of Angkor to prepare both Burma and Bangladesh for the Mongolian attack. On the other hand, the retraction of the Song court to South China indicated that they knew about the Mongolian treat and had made necessary preparation to face the invader. For Angkor where the rivalry between the Chola and the Sri Vijaya intensified, the situation was even more critical. As soon as Sri Dhramaraja and Champapiura were stabilized, Jayavarman VII shifted his focus to the west. In Ramanadesa, the Puga' s Dynasty had already transformed Pagan, in a retrospective connection with the Shan country, as a new command post of Angkor. We shall see Pagan, under this western scion of the Angkorean court, survived the Mongol' s incursion even better than its Middle Kingdom. Their survival skill would be put to use for their consistent attempt in safeguarding the Angkorean legacy and their hard campaign against the Mongolian interference. It is important to note that many Burmese legacies such as the title Narapati and Pagan were new to Ramanadesa (Ramanadesa: The Burmese States: The foundation of Pagan). According to the Class palace chronicle, the name Pagan was only conceived during the King Naradhipati (1254-1287) and that the Sanskrit title "Naradhipati" was not of Ramanadesa' s tradition but was an Angkorean title. On the same token, the city of Arimaddanapur, had its name changed to Pagan only during the reign of king Narathipati (The Ramandesa: The Burmese states: The foundation of Pagan). Following the Puga legacy, we shall see the presence of Angkorean delegates in their political intrusion in the court of Pagan. Emerged as prominent figures in the new Burmese court, they also established themselves as new powerful players against the next Mongolian incursion. The way that they were presenting themselves as of royal status and were not subordinated to the court of Pagan confirms that they were in fact acting as Angkor' s regents and were from Rajapati. On their ethnicity, we could not comment explicitly since the Angkorean court was well known of its diversity. Mostly mistaken the Angkorean exploit as of Tai development, most scholars assumed that they were Tai. The Yunnan chronicle on the other hand hints that they were Miens from the fact that they had resided in the Shan countries during the Mongol' s incursion. We shall assert instead that they were from the court of Rajapati whose ancestry could be traced to the contemporary Angkorean lineage of Botumsurya (The Fall of Nokor Thom: The Last of the Angkorean Court: The Occupation of two strategic Locations of Angkor). Indication shows later that they were belonged to the Sri Vijayan house of the Puga dynasty whose loyalty to the Angkorean court was undeterred even though they were perfectly in the position to establish their own independence.

According to the Shan tradition, the relationship between the two celestial brothers was far to be perfect. At the end, rivalry came out to the open. The elder brother Chao-Kwam-Pha was in fear of Sam-Lung-Pha' s strength and decided to eliminate his own brother (Notes: The Feud between of Sam-Lung-Pha). It reflects the unsettlement of the Shan country during the expansion fight between members of the Sri Vijaya and the Cholan sides of the family. This might reveal some truths about the internal shake-up between the two dynasties of the Angkorean Botumsurya dynasty. Evidences however show that both were at fault in dealing with the other side, even though there were conscious attempts for the reconciliation.

The Dependency of the Shan Mao Country
In the high of the Angkorean Empire, Yunnan served as the Frontier Gate (Nokor Reachasima) between Angkor and Manipura. Because of its strategic location, Angkor had made its effort to maintain control over this northern frontier at all cost. The formation of Rajapati became since a priority of the next Angkorean kings to strengthen the Angkorean control over its northern frontier state. As we had seen, Suryavarman I was the first Angkorean monarch to start on implanting his family members in northern Siam countries (The Sri Vijaya Connection: The reorganization of the Siam Country: The Xiang-Mai Connection). After taking control of Angkor, evidences also show that other Angkorean monarchs continued to extend the Angkorean control over the northern frontier states. The Shan tradition confirms the close relationship of the Shan ruler-houses of Khun Kam Pha and Khun Sam Lung Pha that reflected a new cooperation of the two Angkorean God King Paramesvara and Triphuvanaditya (The Construction of Angkor Wat: The dependency of the Shan country: The Dependency of Muang-Mao). During their reconciliation, Rajapati was the launching ground of northern massive conquest. Collaborating on the new Shan expansion, the Pong chronicle recalled a new influx of political power' s shift that propelled Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng into the ruler-ship of Moang Mao in 1210.
Following the death of Pam-Yau-Pung in 1210, when a third influx of Kun-Lung' s posterity occurred in the person of Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng, of the race of Kun-Su of Maing-Kaing Maing-Nyaung. And it is remarkable that this new influx took place while Pam-Yau-Pung' s younger brother was actually in power in the neighboring state of Momiet, where he had just previously founded the capital and commenced an independent reign, as will be seen in the note on Momiet and Assam. (SSBA: Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P. IX)
Commenting on the new Shan development, scholars however mistakenly based the expansion as mentioned in the Shan chronicle on the Tai migration theory (Notes: Coedes on Tai Migration Theory). We shall assert instead that the development was rather due to the new Angkorean expansion policy on the Shan country that was carried on by both factions of the Angkorean court. Chronologically, the last event of the Shan chronicle could be related to the personal exploit of Jayavarman VII after he took control of Angkor and appointed his Guru Crijayamangalarthadeva as governor of Rajapati. According to the Pong chronicle, the next ruler Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng ruled Moang Mao until 1220 and left two lines of descendants after him.
Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng reigned for ten years and had two sons, Chau-Kam-Pha and Sam-Lung-Pha, the latter perhaps the most remarkable personage of the Mao history. The first succeeded to the throne of Muang-Mau at the death of his father in 1220 AD, but Sam-Lung-Pha had already, five years previously, become subwa of Muang-Kaung or Mogaung. He had established a city on the banks of the Nam Kaung and had laid the foundation of a new line of tsabwa tributary only to the kings of Mau. (SSBA:Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P. IX)
Dating the death of Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng in 1220 matched exactly the end of the reign of Jayavarman VII. The two sons Chau-kam-Pha and Sam-lung-pha could also be identified as two Angkorean lines of kings derived respectively from the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan legacies of the Botumsurya lineage. Continuing on his predecessors ' policy, evidences show that Jayavarman VII also implanted his own people through out the new dependency. As we had seen, his son Tamalinda who was then a monk already took residence in Ramanadesa and there is no reason why other family members did not take any part in the new development. The expansion of the Shan Maw country could also be checked out with the real events happening at the RAjapati' s courts. In the Nan chronicle, Phraya Phukha who ruled over Rajapati had established the two royal houses to rule respectively over Muang Nan and Muang Pua. Continuing the exploit of Angkor over Ramanadesa, we shall see the extension of the Phukha dynasty to take control of Pagan and Ava (). It was actually part of the continuation of the Angkorean expansion policy that was carried on from the last reign of Jayavarman VII into the early reign of his son, Indravarman III. From this time on that we see new construction of stone temples outside of Angkor' s viscidity deep into the northern Siam countries.

The Expansion of Muang-Mao
Since the formation of the Khmer Empire at Prey-Nokor, evidences show that the Shan Countries along with Yunnan, were back and forth between the Angkorean and Chinese controls. After the subjugation of Suryavarman I over the Angkorean throne and the breakaway of Ramandesa, evidences show that the new Angkorean court started to exert its control over the Shan Country. The last exploit was especially concerning Suryavarman II' s quest to claim back the Cholan heritage of Ramandesa. After subduing Xiang-Mai and integrating it under the control of Muang Raja or Muan Yang, the expansion over the Shan country resumed. While Xiang-Mai was condemned, Muang Yang took on the leading role to become the next Angkorean command post in taking care of the Shan and later the Mon affairs. In conjunction with the Angkorean control of Shan Maw, the list of Chao Ju-kua about the Angkorean dependencies includes San-La, the Chinese reference to the Shan country (Notes: San-La vs Sien-La). We knew from the Pong chronicle that by the time that the ruler Pam-Yau-Pung died in 1210, Muang-Mao already took control of Momiet all the way to Assam. It is said that Sam-Lung-Pha went out to expand Muang-Mao' s controls over a vast territory of the Shan country already. It reflects the Angkorean expansion policy to consolidate back the lost territory of the Cholan dynasty. The next ruler Chau-Ai-Mo-Kam-Neng that could be identified as Jayavarman VII himself extended the control of Muang-Mao even further in the Ramana country. The conquest of his son Sam-Lung-Pha, also listed in the same chronicle, moreover matched the Angkorean control over Pagan and other part of the mainland Indochina that was accomplished through the court of Rajapati:
1-Momiet. 2-Mogaung. 3-Theinni 4-Monei 5-Kaingma. 6-Kyain Sen. 7-Lansan. 8- Pagan. 9-Yun. 10-Ling-lung. 11-King-laung. 12-Mung Lem. 13-Tai-lai 14-Wanchang. 15-The Palaung country. 16-Sang-pho. 17-The Karen country. 18-Lawaik. 19-Lapyit. 20-Lamu 21-Lakhaing. 22-Langsap. 23-Ayudia. 24-Yunsaleng. (SSBA:Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P. X)
The list might have been exaggerated, considering that Muang-Mao has never been known as a powerhouse capable of such conquest before. However, if we consider Muang-Mao as part of Angkor, we could easily confirm it through other sources to be Angkor' s dependency during the reign of Jayavaman VII and the early reign of Indravarman III in the early fifth century. Many places could be checked out to be in Siam, Burma and the northern Shan Countries that match the list of Chao Ju-kua' s Angkorean dependencies at the time. As we had seen, the Pong chronicle of Shan Maw had compiled an extended list of Muang Maw' s conquest through the Angkorean dependency. Looking closely, the expansion that went deep into Northeastern Indian Continent was more like the retrieval back of the lost territory by the Cholan Empire. After joining with Angkor, the Cholan court obviously was looking to restore theirs past dependencies. While Indian localities were lost for good to Indian neighboring Kingdoms and to Muslim incursion, localities of western Indochinese continents were still free due to geographical isolation. Ruled under warlord kings or local governments, they were targeted for the next Angkorean campaigns to become part of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire. It was then that Suryavarman II appointed his guru Divakara to establish Mouang Mao as an Angkorean strategic location for its western campaign. It was a race against time as both Muslim and Mongolian incursions were seen under way toward Southeast Asia. Under these circumstances, the rapid expansion failed to pacify completely the new conquered territory. The Angkorean Empire would soon faced with uprisings that undermined its future security. As soon he took over the Angkorean throne, jayavarman VII completed the work of his predecessor and succeeded to pacify most of Angkorean new dependency. Nevertheless, old dependencies were still in disarray as military mean of Angkor, mighty as it was, failed to repair a serious broken relationship deep inside the core of its consortium. While Angkor was making good progress in its western dependency, its eastern side was on the contrary, very much disenchanted. The list of Angkorean dependency compiled by Chao-Ju-Kua did not include Lin-Yi or Chan-Tcheng, which during the latest development under the control of the orthodox Chola Clan was seen increasingly seceding from Angkor. After Angkor had control over Pukam, evidences show that Jayavarman VII spent most of his attention on the western dependency. Along with his guru Crijayamangalarthadeva, he restored Burma into a strong ally of Angkor. At the same time, he left Champapura ' s affair into the hand the Yuvaraja Vidyanandana who through his brilliant military achievement and a strong personal ambition, constituted himself another cause of crises to the Angkorean empire.

Champapura and the War of 32 years
Two of the late Champapura' s inscriptions that were erected by king Jaya Paramesvara at Po-Nagar, commemorate the exploit of the Angkorean monarch Jayavarman VII in consolidating Champapura' s dependency (JA Jan-Feb 1891: Etude sur les inscriptions Chams, M. Etienne Aymonier). The first inscription provides more information on the account of the Yuvaraja Vidyanandana ' s exploit on the behalf of Jayavarman VII.
In 1129 sakaraja, the king of Kambuja arrived with Sri Yuvaraja and Pukam (Pagan), Syam and Davvan (Khmer?) troupes from Kambujadesa. The prince of Nan (tana raya nan) conduct troupes to rage battle against the yvan (annamites) for the king of Kambuja. The prince of Nan conducted the troupes from the north, and the Khmer general (senapati) fought and defeated Kavir (virapura) and the yvans. The prince of Nan won. In 1142 sakaraja, Kavir went to Vrah Nagar (Po-Nagar), the Cham peoples came to Vijaya (Bing-Ding). The prince of Nan became king in 1149 sakaraja. After crowning he start constructing the palace and temples.
The passage indicates the presence of Pagan troops in coalition with Angkor to attack Annam that confirms the dependency of Ramanadesa under Angkor. The attack took place during the revolt at Vijaya by the Cham prince Rashupati that drove the Khmer delegate Suryajayavarmadeva back to Angkor. Rashupati then made himself king of Vijaya under the name of Jaya Indravarman V. Vidyanandana took back the control of Vijaya and sent its ruler Jaya Indravarman as prisoner to the Kamboja court. With all the success attributed to him, Vidyanandana lost himself into the success and carved out a kingdom for himself at the South at Pandaranga. Against the Angkorean authority, he proclaimed himself king under the name of Suryavarmadeva. His maneuver forced Jayavarman VII to release the former ruler of Vijaya, Jaya Indravarman and sent him to lead an army against Vidyanandana. The Angkorean expedition was defeated and Jaya Indravarman was killed in the battle. After killing all opposition, Vidyanandana-Suryavarmadeva made himself king over the united country by 1192. The second Inscription of Jaya Paramesvara then mentioned the start of the 32 years wars after Jayavarman VII decided to stabilize this northeastern cardinal state of Angkor.
Then the war of 32 years started. He installed a Senapati Kambuja to rule the country. In 1123 (Sakaraja), a Cham prince resume the control under the name of Sri Yuvaraja.
The wars started in 1190 at the end of the reign of Jayavarman VII, continued on under the reign of King Indravarman III and ended in 1226 (Notes: The Conflict between Champa and Angkor). As soon as Vidyanandana was defeated, Champa was back as a Khmer province under the Yuvaraja Ong Dhanapatigrama at 1203. Prince Angsaraja of Turai-Vijaya became king of Champa under the name of Paramamesvaravarman. He was a grand son of Jaya Harivarman I and was brought up at the Angkorean court of Jayavarman VII. During a big part of his reign, Jaya Paramesvaravarman was taken up with the restoration of irrigation works and the rebuilding of ruins that had accumulated in the country during the wars.
He reestablished all the lingas of the south, save those of Yang Pu Nagara and the north, save those of Sri Isanabhadrasvara.
Toward the end of his reign, he came into conflict again with Annam. The new dynasty, the Tran, had been reigning since 1225. The emperor Tran Thai-tong sent to the Champa king protests against the incessant piracy to which the Chams conducted on the coast of Annam. In return, Jaya Paramesvaravarman responded by demanding the retrocession of three provinces of the north that were wrested by Annam that became since a constant source of trouble between the two countries. In 1252, the emperor of Annam led an expedition that brought back many prisoners, among whom were dignitaries and women of the palace. Jaya Paramesvaravarman might had been hurt or killed during the campaign. Shortly after, his younger brother was on the throne under the crown name of Jaya Indravarman VI. He was a prince of Sakan-Vijaya named Harideva who had in 1249 conducted an expedition against Pandaranga. He reigned for only a short time and was assassinated by his nephew Harideva in 1257. We shall see that during this trouble time, the Mongols had already made their way toward Angkor and that the secession of Champapura might have been one of the contributing factors to its fall. Evidences however show that until it was overran by the Mongols, Champapura was back under Angkor' s control, even though ruled by a line of kings hostile to the Angkorean court. The last of the attack on Annam in 1268 was conducted by the coalition force of Angkor under the reign of Jayavarman VIII and Champapura under the reign of Harideva. Harideva who ascended the throne of Champa under the royal name of Jaya Simhavarman, changed his coronation name in 1266 to Indravarman V.

  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. ESBH: BEFEO 28: The early Syam in Burma' s History, by G.H. Luce
  3. RPNK: The Royal Pangsavadra of Nokor Khmer, by M. Tranet
  4. CNSDB: The Christal Sands: the chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja: Version B: Chapter IV: Nagara Sri Dharmaraja in legendary Time, Translated by David K. Wyatt
  5. SSBA:The Shan State and the British Annexation, by Sao Saimong Mangrai
  6. GPC: The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma, translated by Pe Mong Tin and G. H. Luce
  7. STP: BEFEO VI: La Steles de Ta-Prohm, George Coedes
  8. CJQ: BEFEO VI: On the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelve and Thirteen Centuries, by Chao-Ju-Kua, Translated by Friedrich Hirth and W.W. Rockhill.
  9. IM: BEFEO IV: Notes D'epigraphie: Les Inscriptions de Mi-son, by M.L. Finot
  10. CuII: Culavamsa part II: Being the more recent part of the Mahavamsa, Translated by Wilhelm Geiger
  1. Chronology
    1160: Dharanindravarman; 1167-67: Yasovarman II' s campaign against the new Champa' s ruler Jaya Indravarman IV; 1125: probable birth of Jayavarman VII; 1166-1178: The reign of Rajadhiraja II (Chola); 1181-1220: The reign of Jayavarman VII; 1190: The 32 years war started; 1192-1203: The reign of Vidyanandana over both Pandaranga and Sri Vijaya; 1220?-1243: The reign of Indravarman III; 1225: A new Annamete Dynasty started.
  2. The Bharata Rashu
    According to Hindu folklore, Rashu was the ancestor of Rama. The reference of the Bharata Rahu in the inscription of Banteay Chmar indicates that the Indian Manu Vaisvata ' s legacy of the Sangam era had emerged itself among the new Chola Dynasty. After joining Angkor, the Chola split itself into two antagoinist camps. Indications show that Suryavarman II, as a head of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire launched a campaign deep into the realm of the Rashu Clan trying to consolidate the Cholan legacy (The Construction of Angkor Wat: Maha Nokor: The Siam Kut). Nevertheless, the hard-core Cholan clan at Prey-Nokor still evaded the Angkorean control.
  3. The Cham Invasion
    The battle was thought by scholars to be depicted on the walls of Bayon showing both the khmer and Cham army locked in the battle. The depiction had contributed to the wrong impression that Champapura and the Ankorean Empire were two countries constantly at war with each other. Looking closely, the depiction was clearly not about the naval attack of the Chams that resulted in subduing the Angkorean court and the death of the usurper Tribhuvanadityavarman. In contrast, it shows a clear victory of the Khmer army over the Cham invaders. Some Cham commanders were shown to fight on elephant' s back indicating that the attacks were conducted in two fronts, by land and by boats. We shall see that the depiction was instead about the Mongol' s attack using Cham armies against Jayavarman VIII more than a half century later (The decline of Nokor Thom: The Mongolian Attack: The reign of Jayavarman VIII).
  4. The Dependency of Ramanadesa
    On his footnote, the author mentions that the reading "Phumaa Daitya" was doubtful and later translated it as "the obscurity of Daitya". Phumaa was actually a short form of Puga-Ramanadesa that was a reference to Burma. The reading might had been faulty of "Phumaa Desa" of which the passage clearly indicates that it was Yasuvarman II who subdued it.
  5. The Middle Kingdom
    As commonly referred in the past, India was once the center of a Meru Cakravartin Empire that was formed along the Gange River and India was known as the Middle Kingdom ever since. At this specific moment however, it is clear that India was no more the Middle Kingdom of a standing Cakravatin Empire. On the other hand, Yasodhara or Nokor Thom was actually the contemporary Middle Kingdom of the Angkorean Empire.
  6. Coedes on Tai Migration Theory
    Commenting on the Coedes' s view on early Tai' s migration, Luce wrote:
    Professor Coedes, to whom all of us students of Southeast Asian history owe an inestimable debt, has argued that Dai penetration of the south was an old and gradual process, not a sudden influx due the Mongol conquest of Yunnan. He points, with due reservation is true, to the alleged founding of Mogaung in 1215, Muang Mai (in the S Shan states) in 1223, and the Ahom conquest of Assam in 1229. (ESBH: P.126)
    However Luce rejected Coedes' view as inaccurate due to no confirmation from other sources that such Tai migration had ever happened when Pagan was in control of the Shan country. Nevertheless, Luce did not reject the Tai Migration Theory altogether but moved the date of the event further back after the Mongol' s incursion. Excluding the Tai Migration theory, Coedes was right about the time frames that many Shan communities were built when Pagan was in control of the Shan countries. It actually happened during Angkor' s taking control of both Pagan and the Shan country.
  7. San-La vs Sien-La
    There is widespread confusion between the two identities found in Chinese texts. We shall distinguish that "San-La" was a reference to the Shan country while "Sien-La" was reference to Siam. Scholars often refer both to Siam because of the misconception that Siam and Shan were the same identity.
  8. The End of Sam-Lung-Pha
    The next reference in the Shan' s tradition could be applied to the Cholan legacy of both Champapura and of Rajapati.
    With this end in View (Chau-Kwam-Pha) left his capital on the Shueli and proceeded to meet him at Maing-Pet-Kham on the Tapang River. A great ovation was given to the successful general, but after the lapse of some time, according to the most trustworthy account, his brother succeeded in poisoning him, or in other account he failed in the attempt, and Sam-Lung-Pha made good his escape to China. (SSBA:Appendix II: The story of Mung-Mau: P. IX)
  9. The Conflict between Champapura and Angkor
    Looking closely, the war was not much a conflict between the Cham and the Khmer people as often-portrayed in modern history books. It was actually a clash between Angkor and the Cham kings as it was resuscitated back after the disintegration between the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan clans of Southeast Asia.