The Notion of Luck The End of the Meru Culture

The End of the Meru Culture

Project: The End of the Meru Culture
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: September/01/2011
Last updated: June/30/2018
All right reserved.
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.

Int the Rig-Veda, Mithra and Varuna were two other divinities that were often invoked along side with the Aryaman or Meru, Our interpretation is that during the start-up of the Meru Culture, they were revered not much less in the western world than the Moon God Tsin. of Sun ancestry, they were introduced to the west after the Sun God Uru started his debut at Middle East, long before the Moon God Tsin did (Notes: The Two Offspring of the Sun God). After the decline of the Meru Culture, the two siblings took on their own odyssey to continue on the Meru Culture. Under the influence of Zoroastrianism however, they were undergone changes under the demonic God Ashura into becoming two powerful Pagan Gods of the west. It was not before long that the two cultures made their ways to the east. Under the legacies of Varuna, the first Tartarization started when the Shang Dynasty built Anyang as its capital and China became known as the Heaven Kingdom. Through the conquest of the Archeamenic Empire, the second Tartarization started under the legacy of Mithraism. It was when the Han Dynasty built China into a full blown centralized kingdom through massive Yueh migration into the Chinese Continent. Under these developments, China became subjected to the Gog's legacies as much as European countries were. After subduing the Sung Dynasty, Kublai Khan formed the Yuan Dynasty to transform China as a Mongolian subsidiary. His incursion into Southeast Asia resulted in the fall of the Angkorean Empire and made possible for Ayudhya and Dai-Viet to continue on the Gog agression (Champapura: The Last of the Indianized Southeast Asia: The Bull' s Contests). Even though Buddhism was adopted by Ayudhya, Vishnuite influence had brought in Mithraism to replace the Sivaite core of Hinayana Canon. On the other side, Dai-Viet brought along with its Southern Nam-Tian progression Confucianism to the last stronghold of Meru legacy in Cochinchina. Because they were originated in Central Asia, scholars hardly saw these past developments as the effect of Westernization but instead of Cinicization. When European countries took on the audacity to colonize the whole world, Tartarization already completed its anti-Meru mission. Nevertheless, evidences show still that most of the Meru legacy stayed in Cambodia and in many other parts of Southeast Asia, during the early phase of the colonization. The European colonists knew then that conflicts were unavoidable when the colonies happened to have theirs own strong cultural background. To ward off resistance, they saw that the legacies of the Meru Culture had to go. In the next development, colonization was set to challenge head-on the Meru heritage to prevent it from interfering the colonial drive. The same way that Angkor fell under the Mongolian incursion, we shall argue that the Meru culture succumbed under the colonial rule.

The Lost of the Past History
In their own consortium, Cambodia and Burma managed to survive the aggression of both Bangkok and Hue. We shall argue that their survival credential was not up to chances, but was mainly due to their common heritage that was inherited from the Meru Culture. After the fall of Angkor, evidences show that the Khmer literature managed not only to survive but also was particularly thriving. While Hinduism was fading, Buddhist institution stepped up to fill the gap of the Angkorean educational system. Pagodas became the sole source of education for both the youth and the general population. The best works of the Khmer literature so far remaining until today were mostly composed during this trouble time. Mostly authored by monks, fictions and historical records alike stayed to witness the real history of the Khmer people. During the earlier colonial rule however, this Khmer heritage was made to lose its credibility. In the attempt to curb resistance, the colonial rule tried to promote Christianity along side with the defamation of the Buddhist institution. Public schools were soon built to take away the credential from the Buddhist temples for Cambodian to cope with the western world. No longer needed for higher education, Buddhist pagodas became worshipping places where old generation Cambodian people went to search for their lost soul. While past literature were left collecting dust in the monasteries, new history books were written by western scholars to become the sole source of information about Cambodian past as taught in public schools. During the late stage of colonization however, conscientious efforts had been done by the French Government to restore back the history of its colonies. In 1900, the French institution "The Etude Francaise de l' Extreme Orient" (EFEO) was open in Hanoi to start on researching Indochinese past. Its annual bulletin published extensive research, mostly done by French scholars, on topic relating to the French Indochina and its deep past history. The institutional works concerning Angkor did not only resuscitate back the Khmer' s past glory, but also rejected false historical data presented by later Cambodia' s new aggressive neighbors. Nevertheless, local historical works wee mostly left out until the formation of "The Buddhist Institution of the Khmer Intellectual". In the effort to restore back Cambodian past history, the institution had called for the scarce remaining Khmer Intellectuals to join in the work. After a good start, the association however lost its objective when some members used it as a launching ground for the freedom fight against France (The Impact of the World War II: The Japanese Invasion: The French Indochinese Dilemma). Fund as well as support for the institution dried up and to crack down further on the uprising, any local attempts to compile historical records were closely monitored. Missing information, as we shall argue had made many occurrences of the Khmer history so far in the dark. Depriving of alternate sources, the new generation of Cambodian power elite was seen mostly adhering to western books to form their judgment. Discrepancies, as we shall argue, became the causes among modern Khmer leaders of bad practices. The outcome had led to more suffering that Cambodia had to incur ever since (The Indochinese Communist Party: The Fight against the Imperialist America: A new Communist star on the Rise).

To most westerners, the Angkorean legacies are portrayed as outdated or backward compatible to the modern civilization. We shall argue instead that it is not the case. To start, we had seen that the culture was actually a complete package that was proved to work during the auspicious time to build the Meru' s past glory of the Angkrean Empire. We shall argue also that the culture also worked to maintain the Khmer integrity in the bad time after the fall of Angkor as well. Our study shall focus on the affect to Cambodia' s surviving chance after the culture was abolished by the colonial rule. It is not by all means an attempt to recover back the Meru' s past glory but to provide more insight of what really was the Meru Culture itself. Only then that the past history of the Khmer peoples could be considered as complete.

The Feudal Governmental System
One of the Meru' s legacies that were the least understood by the western world is the decentralization of its organization. To the western world, feudality was often perceived as an oppressive system mostly connected with warlord-ship. The perception is true according to current situation that the Meru Culture was already completely wiped out from the surface of the globe. Through bad practices, the feudality is becoming victim of its own dark side. Warlord kings took advantage of the absence of higher authority to exercise their own audacity and adopted dictatorship for their own sake. Back in the old days, the feudal system had proved itself to suit perfectly the sophisticated organization of the Cakravatin Empire. From a single family' s cell, a village, a tribe up to the global establishment of the empire, the system incorporated feasible interconnection all communities under the same rule (Notes: The Feudal system of Governing). Vital resources were allocated in a systematic manner to avoid direct competition between members of the organization. Through self-sufficiency, both security and economy were conducted from bottom up to sustain the need of the whole empire. Most problems of food and resource distribution had been taken care by lower channels. Social problems are also solved at their early stage from smaller cluster to bigger community. In the administration, individual initiative was as much important as of the governmental policy itself (Notes: The Christian belief of the free will). As a result, the top governmental role could be drastically reduced (in the best case scenario) to the leadership role only. While rule and regulation was carried from the top of governmental leadership down to the bottom, the free initiative allowed each community to make the best of their environment. History had proved that under the Khmer Cakravatin Empire, Angkor thrives through its feudal rulers who took on their own initiative to build and to defend their own communities. The system had provided sound structural base for Angkor, not only to progress during the auspicious time but also for self protection during its down time as well (Notes: The modular ship design). After the fall of Angkor, the situation had put Cambodia in a fighting mode for its own survival. It had proved itself worth in keeping Cambodia from disintegrating by the aggression of both Siam and Dai-Viet. Even though the Khmer throne and its court fell repeatedly under sway of Bangkok and Hue, many provincial authorities managed to keep themselves out from direct control of both countries. As they were still faithful to the Khmer legacy and were willing to fight for it, the central court could quickly reformed itself by regrouping back their supports (The birth of Vietnam: The Nam-Tien or the Vietnamization down south: The Vietnamization of Prey-Nokor). To prevent it to happen, Hue and Bangkok took on the burden to raise the Khmer court in a tight control and channeled their influence to gain back unwanted favors. Nevertheless, evidences also show that the lost of the land was mostly due to political manipulation of which a few warlord kings were also to blame as much as the Khmer court itself. The same argument also held true for Burma as remnants of ancient feudal organization had been sustaining themselves from the antiquity to stand strong in representing the oldest legacy of the world civilization. Colonization on the other hand brought new concepts of nationality that undermined the feudal system of self-conservation. Immediately after taking control of Cambodia, French colonists started on dismantling the Khmer administrative system with the help of the colonial propaganda. The introduction of the new concept of centralized governmental system was made to believe that it was actually a crucial part the modernization of the world. Confusion settled in as states and nations were formed to benefit from the western culture. To join in the western world, each nation had to relegate all its past and followed the dynamic of political flow carried through by modern time fallacies. In a short period of time, Khmer feudal system had been dismantled and replaced by a westernized of governing that was tightly controlled by the colonists (The Kingdom of Cambodia: The French protectorate: The reign of King Sisovath). From then on, the Khmer societies were no longer self sustained and depended on the central government to function. Even though most of the countryside was still left under the old system, feudal communities were made isolated and could no longer regrouping themselves. To further curbing potential uprising, a close network of colonial administration had been implemented through out the country. This successful maneuver allowed the French colonist to take full control of Cambodia and extended their controls over Laos as well. In Burma, the British India had also developed the same policy in regard to its new colony. Besides dismantling Burmese monarchy, ethnic feudal system was also targeted for the breaking down. However, the vastness of the country and its diversity complicated the situation and despite the effort, the centralization of the whole Burma was never been achieved. Of this unsettlement, British India' s had never realized its ambitious project about the land communication with China through Yunnan. At the same time, its planned control of Thailand had also been postponed by cautionary measure exerted by the French interference. Of their own ambition, French Colonists also had their own secret agenda about Yunnan and had already start its incursion into the Siam court. Saved by the World War II, Thailand suzerainty was a matter of luck.

The Governmental Infrastructure
Before it was changed under the late French protectorate, the Khmer Kingdom was a downscaling of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire. Often mistaken by western scholars as a republic, the Cakaravatin establishment allowed each member to have its own autonomy. Having all the necessary mean to conduct their state affairs, each feudal province was able to function as an independent entity. Even after the fall of the empire, evidences show that each dependent state managed to survive on their own. The Middle Kingdom on the other hand concentrated on global policy and depended on the cooperation of each subordinated state to carry on commonwealth projects. Unlike a centralized kingdom or state where all powers are in the hand of the ruler or the ruling party, the Cakravatin monarch exerted his power according to circumstantial requirement. In the time of peace, he had just a small army for the court protection while the Obraja who was also the governor of a major cardinal state usually hold more military power in the assigned duty of safeguarding the whole Empire. With little troops enough for his personal protection, the Cakaravatin monarch ruled through his clairvoyance that was believed to be under the heavenly guidance. His Guru and advisor along with all his close associates were Brahmans and scholars rather than military commanders. In the time of war, the Cakravatin monarch became the supreme leader and topped himself over the obraja to lead the army against the enemy. In any circumstances, his real power does not depend only on his own personal military strength, but instead on his leadership ability to unify the whole empire. As we had argued, Angkor attained its apogee during the reign of Jayavarman VII and extended itself virtually over all the ream of Southeast Asia. Burma became then its western cardinal state that served as Angkor's main commanding post. Acting as a Cakravatin obraja, Narathipati led the Angkorean coalition army against the Great Khan' s settlement at Yunnan but was defeated by a smaller but more experienced Mongol' s army. After the breakdown of Angkor, each one of its cardinal states went on their separate way to become independent. They soon fell prey to the take-over by new nations emerging from the Gog' s legacy of Central Asia (Notes: The Gog legacies of Southeast Asia). While Sokhodaya, Sri Dharmaraja and Xiang-mai lost their status as a kingdom and were absorbed into the Siam Gog country, Champapura was on the other hand absorbed along with Prey-Nokor into the Annam Gog or Dai-Viet. Cambodia and legacy of the Red-river delta. Cambodia and Burma still subsisted as independent states because they had retained and stayed connected with the Cakravatin establishment from the past. Being respectively the Middle Kingdom and its military center, both countries still adopted the Cakravatin organization of decentralization. This loose-end organization had proved itself to preserve the identity of both countries, as they were able to regroup themselves many times after crises. During the colonial era, the French colonist decided to keep King Norodom in power despite the latter' s apparent insubordination to their colonial rule. They later blamed themselves of catering to him for any political turmoil in Cambodia happening under his reign (The Kingdom of Cambodia: The French Colonial policy: The early uprisings). It was just a typical scape-goating policy of the western culture of off-load their responsibility of their failure. Evidences show that the resistance did not originate from the palace but were instead organized by independent minds of the countryside. Unlike the British India, the French colonists knew that they were not strong enough to command a full-blown colony out of Cambodia. As we had argued, it was mainly due to the decentralization of the current Khmer governmental feudal system. Nevertheless, they learnt by observing Siam and Hue that by manipulating the central court, Cambodia would submit to them. Apparently the new measures worked as the next Khmer King Sisowath had cooperated fully with France and at the meantime worked on modernizing Cambodia. When the French came back to claim their colonies after the World War II, the westernization already changed the politic of Cambodia along with the rest of Southeast Asia. They also found that the natives were in their nature far friendlier to them than their Cinicized subjects. They stood mostly on their side fighting against the fascist regime of Japan while the Cinicized compatriots were fighting for their own account. After the Geneva convention, the Khmer and the Lao royal houses secured the French colonists not only of a good exit but still held a good relationship with France ever since (Notes: King Sihanook and General De Gaulle). In contrast, Burmese royal houses had been wiped out completely and Burma was made as a province of India. After the Japanese invasion, the situation had been changed drastically for the British colonists. A new wave of Burmese resistance that were formed from westernized power-elite, joined the Japanese army to fight against the British rule. After the loss of Japan and the end of the World War II, they were strong enough to fight on their own account against their exhausted master (Notes: British Accord on Burma' s Inde3pendance).

The Defense System
Another aspect of western fallacies was concerning about the centralized military built-up. It was based on the rationale that a bigger army means bigger security for the country. The scheme that started by western military industries and subsidiaries promoted the contest in military strength as a measure of a nation' s suzerainty. To maintain a defense system that protects the centralized government, military spending takes now a big part of the national budget. While strong nations that benefited the most from the cold war started to find themselves in shaky ground, smaller nations were still locked into the arm race. With limited resources, they were forced to cater to bigger nations either to procure themselves with up-to date armament or lean on them for total protection. Many nations, with little or no resources, were left to die or suffered all kinds of abuse. Nevertheless the arm-race still continued even it became clear that it was the cause of many worldly problems of today. Based on this model, there was a general misconception among scholars that Angkor was once a military power. To build up its extensive empire, they argue that Angkor must to possess a big army and throughout its military prowess harassed its neighbors into subordinating under its centralized rule (The Sri Vijaya Connection: Introduction: The Mon' s Account of the dynastic Crisis). For modern Khmer leaders, the western misconception manifested itself into further bad practices. By trying to achieve the same success story of Angkor, they looked for ways to build up national defense despite the apparent lack of both human resource and armament (Notes: In building the Angkorean Might). Our findings show instead that Angkor was a religious city and as the Middle Kingdom of the Buddhist Cakravatin Empire, Angkor was not built to command military dominance. At the contrary, its strength lied in the cultural providence of its religious institution. On the other hand, we had argued that Angkor' s military strength lied mostly on its feudal governmental system. Lavo and later Pagan where the abundance of human resource could be converted quickly through local administration into a strong army, became the main military commanding post of the Angkorean Empire. We shall also argue that concerning the Cakravatin establishment, the Middle Kingdom was formed to lead and not to conquer. Under the arrangement, Angkor was not militarily strong as previously thought and at the contrary was as vulnerable as its neighboring countries. Under the Buddhist Sung dynasty, China had been a very good neighbor to Angkor. Under Buddhism, both Angkor and China were cooperating with the same code of conduct that protected each country from the aggression of the other. As the Buddhist discipline prevented him from being overly aggressive toward its neighboring states, the Sung Emperor downsized its military capability at the worst moment that the Mongols built themselves up to become a regional power. Fallen under the Yuan Dynasty, China became the big threat to Angkor. As a Middle Kingdom, Angkor was very much vulnerable as all its subordinated state. Facing with foreign incursion, Angkor could not stand on its own feet and depended on its cardinal states for protection. The secession of some key cardinal states and its internal crisis, as we had argued, weakened Angkor' s defense system that basically caused its final downfall. After the collapse of the Cakravatin infrastructure, Angkor was even more defenseless. By taking Angkor's western cardinal states, Ayudhya was extending its control right at the doorstep of Angkor. During the next Siamese attacks, Angkor defended itself by mobilizing troops from the country sites who were mostly of peasant background. They were released soon after to join their families and worked on their rice fields to salvage both their families and their country' s economy. As time to mobilize troops fell shorter, the Khmer King Ponha Yat had to abandon Angkor and to move his court down south for better protection. The problem aggravated when Dai-Viet decided to take hold of Champapura and extended its frontier further south at the expense of the collapsing Khmer Empire. With no security to face theirs attacks, the Khmer court had to submit to both Siam and Dai-viet maneuvers. For rational minds, it is clear now that Angkor could not survive on it own, let alone thrive under current adverse situation. It appears that the military deficiency was actually an organization' s flaw that caused the fall of the Khmer Empire to accelerate. Often blamed by westerners to Buddhism, the fall of Angkor actually marked the change of the New World Order that was going to plague the whole world with worldly wars (Notes: The Fall of Angkor). Since we also argued that Angkor attained its highest achievements under Buddhism, the setback was occasionally due to bad circumstances. As peace was always been Cambodia' s best investment, it is not in the interest of Cambodia to change course. Just because of its bad return, finding alternate investment to fit the warlike environment is like giving war more chances to thrive. At the contrary, Cambodia should continue to promote peace in the hope that one day its investment would pay off big time again.

One particular aspect of Westernization that had a big impact on the Meru Culture was concerning the centralized concept of an organization. The transition of the Meru feudal system to the colonial governmental system of today could not be made possible without the invention of capitalism by the western culture. As cities and states were made bigger and bigger to suit the market places, the banking system became more and more critical in fueling the world's economy. The concept of centralization became since applied in a big scale model of current practices. Originated from the Silk Road legacies, we shall see how the international market places would play important role in the colonization of Southeast Asia and the subsequent fall of the Meru Culture.

the Silk Road' s Legacy
When the Chinese diplomats Chou Ta-kuan visited Angkor, he found virtually no permanent market place for the general Khmer people to trade. Most local commerce was handled by women who through their social interaction skill were more disposed to the task (The Fall of Nokor Thom: The Fall of Angkor: The Visit of Chou Ta-kuan). Nevertheless, that was going to change. In his records, he also hinted about an influx of Chinese migrants being encouraged (by the Great Khan) to move into the Khmer societies and started on their own venture. Protected by the Yuan court, they married Khmer women and engaged in the country overall commerce. What Chou Ta-kuan did not mention in his records is the fact that trading was not new to the Khmer societies. As a big player in the Southern Sea trading, Angkor had actively involved with the international sea trading in the past. Oral tradition had plenty to say about long distance sea trade with foreign countries (particularly China), using cargo ships to carry merchandise abroad and it was the men who took care of the long distance' s trading. After the fall of Angkor, there were no evidences of such high-level commerce that was carried on anymore by post-Angkorean societies. Through his maritime exploit, Kublai Khan already disabled the sea trade route that was traditionally controlled by the Sri Vijaya. Before that, evidences show that merchandized goods were traded or sold directly to the consumers. As described in Chou Ta-kuan' s accounts, market places were set temporary for day-to-day trading using some form of mats to display the merchandise. As most communities were self-sufficient, they did not depend on market places to get needed goods for day-to day living. Chinese merchants would find this lack of high frequency commercial activities as an opportunity for them to make their own venture. Their settlement at Agkor through the accommodation of the Yuan Dynasty would prepare them for the next events to come. As we had argued, Kublai Khan 's great ambition was global and evidences show that the Southern Sea Route was also in his grand plan to control the world. After the fall of Angkor, evidences show that market places were built by Chinese migrants to become their permanent living shelters as well as their commercial centers to serve the International sea trade. It is true to this date that cities with big market places of Southeast Asia were primary inhabited by people of more or less Chinese descends while natives preferred to live in their own habitats outside of the cities. The fall of the Mongolian empire however gave these Gog legacies the opportunity to fill out the vacumm. Settled along the Silk Road as permanent residence, these market dwellers owed their living to accommodate the intercontinental trading between the west and the east. The fall of the Mongols however created a big impact on the Silk Road activities and their worst ordeal was yet to come. Founded at the end of the 13th century in northwestern Anatolia by the Turkish tribal leader Osman I, the Ottoman Empire was next to take control of the west and the Intercontinental trading. After subduing the Byzantine Empire with the conquest of Constantinople by Mehmed the Conqueror in 1453, the empire extended itself into Europe and the Balkans. With Constantinople as its capital and control of lands around the Mediterranean basin, the empire took its position at the center of interactions between the Eastern and Western worlds for six centuries. Needless to say, this new Tartarization would set the Ming Dynasty in an odd position to face the western incursion. After closing down the Silk Road, the late Ming Dynasty tried to open the Southern sea route for all commercial activities with the west (Notes: The Ming' s Self Imposed Isolation). Nevertheless, the Ming' s hope of opening the Southern Sea Route was hindred by the new Chinese settlers at the seacoast of Southern Sea. Being no others than the former market dwellers of the Silk Road, these Chinese migrants pledged neither allegiance to the Ming Dynasty nor to China (Sri Dharmaraja: The Reestablishment of Sri Dharmaraja: The Abandon of Sri Dharmaraja). After the decline of the Ottomon Empire, European countries were back to their old aggression and With the well established capitalism for their disposition, it was not before long that they started on their own global ambition. In Southeast Asia, they were greeted by the Chinese communities that were in ready in control of the Sea Route. As in the case of satraps being built along side the Silk Road, they built the new market places to accommodate themselves as middle agents for the collection of goods and delivered them to merchant ships of the international trading. Needless to say, their services would suit perfectly the European way of doing business and became crucial in the next colonization of Southeast Asia. As the extinction of the Southeast Asian natives had been forecasted by both French scholars and colonists alike, migration of a more industrious race was next in the colonial agenda (Notes: Etnography of Indochinese Natives). Oddly enough, the Darwinist theory of natural selection had validated itself when the Meru Culture finally met its endtime,

The Colonial View of Immigration
Facing with strong native resistance, the colonists needed migrants to take on the active role of colonial supporters. The impact was immediate as they worked their way up the colonial ladder to become efficient functionaries of the colonies. When the Europeans first make contact with the South China Sea, India was already commercially colonized. Since then, the Indian colony was made to suit the British India for theirs next campaigns into Southeast Asia. Indian coolies and functionaries alike became big asset for the European Colonialization. They constituted the people resources of cheap labor that the British companies needed to carry on their ground works. They were reliable as they had no ambition of their own and mostly stayed at the background during and after the British colonial rule. On the other hand, immigrants of other background were encouraged to join in the colonial development. Recruited among their Tibetan subjects, the Miens were often perceived as less honest than the Indians and thus were suitable to help in the economy of the British colonization. Moreover, they were also well known for their bravery that perfectly suited for the colonial army. As had been noted in the past, the Miens were also fond of learning and, as expected, excelled in western public school institution more than their Barman peers. After British control was over, they were left to become the new power-elite of the country. Their military background also suited them well in establishing Burma as a new liberated nation. Having full control of the Burmese army, their insubordination prevented the British colonists to take back control of Burma. In the Siam country, the Miens also played similar role in the economy and military built up of Bangkok during the colonization. With the absent of European colonist intervention, Bangkok grew up by taking hold of the Siam country to become an Indochinese powerhouse on its own. Nevertheless, some Mien aristocrats still went after the opportunities however made available by the colonial rule. They went deep into the countryside and mixed themselves with the locals to form the new power elite of their adopted countries. Their contact with western culture made their families and descendants becoming the most westernized in the country. Their high education secured them with government jobs that stayed after the colonial era. As new nationalities were formed to suit their new governmental structure, Identity' s confusion took place during the declassification of native societies. As we had argued, the Mien identity stayed strong to become the new official name of Burma. In the northern Siam countries, we shall also see that the Tai nationality became next the post-colonial legacy that took over the indigenous Siam and Lao identity (The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization: Thailand: Phibun Sangrama and the Tai nationality). When France took over Laos, French scholars soon noticed a specific system administration that was common to all northern Lao indigenous communities. Comparing notes with their British peers who were working on the northern Shan countries, they found out that common heritage existed between the two regions. Their finding appears to support, in correlation to the linguistic origin of the Tai Language, the Tai migration theory of the Tai-speaking people from the Tai-yuan country. The Mandala style organization was then attributed to all Tai speaking communities that extended itself farther south to Bangkok. The Lao tradition of Khun Borom was also mistakenly made universal as the origin of all Tai Tribesmen. We had argued that the story of Khun Borom was actually the historical fact of the formation of Angkor by the God King Paramesvara (Xiang-Mai: Introduction). As a consequence, the Mandala organization that was still found in both the Lao and Shan communities was actually the remnant of the feudal system inherited from the Angkorean era. While Burma and Cambodia lost most of the heritage under the colonial rule, the feudal legacies stayed on in the remote site of Indochinese northern part where westernization could only reached during the late colonial era. On the other side of the colonial spectrum, France found their people resources to form the new political power elite through different channels. Chinese migrants, who already populated along the seacoast of South China Sea, found in French colonization opportunities to build their own ventures. Of different ethnic and cultural background they came mostly from the southern provinces of China and shared the same Confucianist philosophy. Tightly networked, they found in the colonization a good opportunity to extend their ventures down south. Among them were the Yuehs whose migratory habit had landed them in southern China since the Han Dynasty. Their success was mainly due to their political skill of playing one power against the other and their ability to evade direct control from both local authorities and European colonist partly on bribery. With the support of the colonists, their businesses were mostly conducted at the expense of the locals. Bangkok and Singapore were two of such high concentration of Chinese migrants taking on the monopoly of the South China sea-trade.

The Elimination of Traditional Power-elite
For Cambodia, the replacement of traditional government with the French administration was relatively not a big problem. Having been under Bangkok and Hue' s protectorate for a long while, Cambodian royal palace had been used to function under the intervention of both courts. Nevertheless, the Khmer Court managed to have still its own court to operate under its own suzerainty. Now that Hue was under its control, the task of the French colonist was nothing more than to transfer the control from Bangkok to the Hanoi based French government of Indochina. With or without the consent of Bangkok, Vietnamese and Chinese functionaries were moved into Cambodia to replace many centuries old administrators who were forced to resign theirs post simply due to lack of western credential. For Burma, a total different approach has to be taken by the British colonists of India. The situation complicated with the royal palace still in full capability to resist the colonial rule on its own term. Like Cambodia, Burmese royal houses had deep background from its Varadhana' s ancestry but along the way had adopted more of external legacies from abroad. Due to its geographic connection with India, Lower Burma received many centuries of Indian legacies through the control of the Cholan Empire. The formation of Ramandesa was by all means coupled with the Vishnuite development of South India. On the other hand, we had argued that the join campaign of Sri Langka and Angkor had resulted in Pagan becoming a dependent of Angkor. Upper Burma was then formed by resuscitating back the Barman legacy with Buddhism playing the role of the facilitator. Each of the religious believes served as the validation of its royal house in taking turn to rule the country. By subduing of the Mon royal court at Pegu, Ava ended the Vishnuite practices in Southern Mon countries with the promotion of Paganism in upper Burma. On the other hand, the demise of Ava' s royal house by the colonial rule ended all Brahmanist practice of the whole Burmese State. Local Brahmans were tossed away from the government and were replaced by western graduated scholars from public institution. While in England, Christianity was still in full force behind British policy making, Burmese court members of traditional background were discarded in making way for colonial politicians to run the country. The disruption from the past created opportunity for new immigrants to move up the governmental promotional ladder. Through the complete elimination of the Ava royal house, a new power-elite was formed on the ground of the new graduates of western schooling. They were the offsprings of migrants who did not hesitate to comply with the colonial rule to move themselves up the colonial governmental ladder. As the colonial obtrusion would set the new Burmese government to depend on British India for its own survival, Burma was exploited openly as a full-blown British colony. Like their French counterparts, the British Colonists found in the replacement of Burmese royal government members as a task rather made easy through immigration. After the Mongol' s incursion, Burma already received influx of Mien Migrants from the North. Under the control of Burmese dynasties, hey were at first absorbed for the vast controlled territory of the Burmese Empire and were placed under the control of the locals (Notes: The Mien' s Dominance). The reverse role happened during the colonial rule, when they were employed in the high offices and received enough status the replace the old political setting of the new nation. Rangoon became the capital of the British Burma for the sole rationale that it was convenient to the British India to intercourse with the rest of Southeast Asia. Due to the plentiful workforce made available by the migrants, Rangoon set Burma to become part of the British network of the South China sea' s trade. On the reverse side of the spectrum, the natives lost most of their suzerainty and left to survive in theirs shrinking habitat. Because of the lack of central leadership, some ethnic tribes stayed isolated the best they could by moving away from the cities while others tried to cope with the colonial rule. Used to be master of their land and environments, they were stripped of their mean of living through land encroachment by new settlers. Surrounded by aggressive new neighbors, they became the poorer among the poor of the new environment and the only things they could do were protesting. Although British-Burmese wars ended after only a couple of weeks, resistance continued on until 1890. To resolve the crisis, the British colonists had to resort to a systematic destruction targeting the feudal organization and replaced it with new governmental officials of foreign background. The measures appeared to work and guerrilla warfare soon stopped under the British rule. Along the way, the westernized conception of race and nation had been implanted on the newly formed population. To ease their tension, Christian churches moved in to give them some spiritual support. This arrangement lasted until 1937 when Burma began to be administered separately by the Barman Office and the Secretary of State for India. Burma achieved its independence from British rule on 4 January 1948, but many of the colonial legacies still remained. Under the leadership of the Takhin Party, the new nation was formed inheriting colonial oppressive system and all its problems until modern days. In 1989, the military government changed the official name of the country from the "Union of Burma" to the "Republic of the Union of Myanmar". As a result, constant fighting in safeguarding indigenous identity against the establishment of Mien homogenous nationality by the new government continued. Burma had been since the worst ethnic battleground of Southeast Asia.

Following the colonialization, the Westernization transformed Southeast Asia to become a Greater Europe. It was a process that concerned the implantation of Western Culture into their controlled territory. It meant to change completely the demographic and cultural distribution of the colonies to fit the colonial world. In the development, the ancient civilization of Angkor was caught off guard in facing the New World Order. As the colonists formulated their perception according to their contemporary theories on race and civilization, their decision-making in regard to the natives was particularly bias to their background. From the start, prejudice played a big part in the colonial rule against the Southeast Asian traditional leadership while at the same time promoted the modern concept of nationality to fit the conception of the Colonial way of governing.

The Nationality' s Crises
Cambodians are used to call themselves the Khmers "sakk khmao" (of black hair) people. This self-identification through physical specification is hardly due to racism. For them, holding on to the Khmer identity, through its cultural subsistance is just as natural as being born with black hair. The conservation of the Khmer identity was particularly strong due to its long cultural legacy from the Meru era. Even though influxed by new migrants of diverse background, the Khmer culture particularly stood out against foreign cultures. Despite the pressure for cultural change brought by the French colonial rule, Cambodia still retained most of its Meru' s legacy. On the other hand, Burma had been through under heavy transformation during the British colonial rule. As in many parts of Southeast Asia, deep past legacies and recent development became both part of modern Burma' s legacies. With all its leadership wipeout, old Burmese legacies were becoming obsolete. After gaining its independence, Burma was facing with identity crises. In the new development, Mienma that was the most recent identity became now the official name of the new nation. The confusion started when scholars first assumed that Burmese and Mien were of the same identity and in the worst case scenario same ethnicity (Notes: Mienma vs Barma). Etymologically, the "Mien" is the short form of "Mayanmar" and was referring to the ancient Mayan Meru Kingdom of the Tien Shan range as part of Ta-tsin of Central Asia. Confusion arose when scholars interpreted Ta-tsin as Greater China that according to both historical and demographic background is faulty. Central China was not formed during the early formation of the Jin Kingdoms and the Greater Jin kingdom (Ta-tsin) was meant to be the Mongolian Empire. Formed during the late fourth millennium BC during the reign of the King Meru, the Jin Empire soon attained its apogee. Spreading itself westward, Ta-tsin moved its Middle Kingdom into Middle East. The Burman rulers were then master of Central Asia along with the Simha and the Yuan legacies of Sri Kambu. The situation reverses itself when the Tartarization of Central Asia started to take hold of the northern Jin country during later time. By this distinction, we see that Mien was mostly referring to the late Kambujan legacy when the Mongols brought the Cinicized Tai legacy down south. Probably because Kamboja was already taken (as official name by Cambodia), Mayanmar was seen close enough to the Kambojan legacy of Burma. As the legacy of Sri Kambu was indigenous to Southeast Asia, Mayanmar or Mien was on the other hand of Central Asian legacy and is still referring to the Yao people. Living isolated, the mountainous Yao tribesmen (often referred as Shan Chinese) have all the control of their environment and could preserve as much as their customs and identity. Other Yaos moved into the valley and mixed themselves with the mainstream of Burmese communities to transform Upper Burma as well as changing the Upper Naga tribesmen of Vanga into Shan communities. Under Ava royal houses the Miens blent themselves into the high societies of the Burmese court and took active roles in building the Burmese Empire (Notes: Evidences of Mayanmar legacy in early Burma' s history). Evidences however show that their break-through in the upper stream of Burmese politic came later under the Colonial rule. With the old royal courts abolished, new Burmese aristocratic societies were formed under the British India' s initiative. Due to their easy adaptation, the Miens became westernized and were perceived as the most civilized Burmese of the Colonial era. They were the collaborators who worked hard to help running the British colony and were rewarded handsomely in their colonial support. Their western life style helped to build up westernized communities that were formed mostly by the offspring of mix British and Mien parents. During the decline of colonization, they were the first to rise up to fight against the British rule and took control of the country after their victory. As they built themselves up safe haven for the future of Burma, theirs civilian comrade who were in the freedom fight against British rule, were tossed aside. To further safeguarding their position, they adopted the Mien identity just to strengthen their legitimacy of leadership. This identity however created political impacts on both the Mon and other indigenous people. As they were never been connected with the Mayan development of central Asia, they were left as outsiders of the new nation. Even the indigenous states of the Karen and other mountainous tribesmen who spoke the same Tibeto-Burmese tongue do not fare better.

The Birth of new Nations
To recall back, Southeast Asia had been under the Angkorian Cakravatin Empire for many centuries during which a common culture under Buddhism had been formed. Under the Cakravatin Umbrella, ethnic tribesmen were left to their own culture and environment while at the same time left the door open for them in joining into the Khmer societies. At the arrival of the European colonists, the Khmer Empire already succumbed and Angkor had long been abandoned. However controls of the sea-trade still remained strong under Southeast Asian ancient legacies. Even though split into separate factions, Southeast Asian powerhouses still hold beneath the surface, mutual respect for the fair-trading. Thing changed when modern European ventures started to infiltrate into the Southeast Asian spice trade. Dutch and Spain at first worked alongside local powerhouses but soon conquered the market by arm forces. Their success stories gave other European nations inspiration to use military powers for their advantage in the business endeavors. Coming with their ships equipped with guns and canons, British and French venturists changed the sea-trade into colonization. Malaysia, Burma and Cambodia were particularly targeted since they were the original power holders of the Sea-route. Once the colonies were established, they found out that native elite was hard to administer. Setbacks forced the colonists to promote new nationalism designed to break the native societies free from the bond of its ancient legacy even it meant to destroy completely their past. During its decline, Southeast Asia became the target of migrants from surrounding continents (Sri Dharmaraja: The Javanese Interference: The Chinese Uprising). Coming from Central Asia and China, the Cinicized immigrants were particularly city dwellers and their settlements started to grow due to the existing trade route of the China Sea. European venturist found in the new cinicized communities of crucial supports to lay on their colonial rule. The colonial strategy of "divide and conquer" worked, as these new migrants were in the beginning very enthusiastic in supporting the colonial rule. With their help, the colonists took no time to drive out native authorities from the lucrative sea-trade. Needless to say, they became the colonial strong supporters and by building themselves up along side the colonial rule they transformed themselves as westernized new elite. Of Tai-yuan or Miao-Yao background, they have been long treated as outsiders and had been denied the access to local politic from the start by the native regime. Since they were crucial in helping the colonists to start-up the Southeast Asian colonization, it was naturally in the best interest of the colonists to build new nations to fit their colonial drives. Taking advantage of Cambodia' s vulnerability, the French built Indochina to suit the Vietnamese nationalists. At the mean time, the colonists transformed Cochinchina into French Colony that served as French foremost military contact to the Southern part of China. After its withdrawal, France delegated Cochinchina as part of South Vietnam with Prey Nokor becoming Saigon as its capital. Before the colonial rule, it was in dispute between the court of Hue and Udong and was still serving as as the main contact with the mainstream of the international sea-trade. It deprived Cambodia of its important seaport that served as one of the Angkorean economic backbone. During the colonial rule, the new history of Cambodia had been rewritten as an agrarian nation where rice was the main product of the country. With the abundance of fishes in the Great Lake for self-sustainment, From these natural resources, the Cambodians were able to build Angkor Wat to glorify their Hindu Gods that were implanted upon them by Indian merchants. To justify the use of the Vietnamese in their administration, they wrote the history of the Vietnamese as natives of Cochinchina. On the same premise, the British India completely abolished Burmese royal houses and established Burma as a province of India. The same way that they created South Vietnam, they conditioned Burma to become the Mien Nation. To suit their colonial venture, they built Rangoon to become an important seaport that still sustains the local economy until modern days. For the time being that they were busied colonizing other regions, both French and British colonists agreed to leave Siam free as buffer zone. However, the two colonial powers were preparing Ayudhya and later Bangkok for their northern venture. As China was their final target, Yunnan or Nan-tchao was in the next of their colonial list. As they needed to pass through Siam, a Tai nation that included Nan-Tchao could then be a strategic location due to its accessibility with the Chinese frontier. They then built the Tai nationality based on their elaborate Tai migration theory to excite the ambition of the new generation' s power elite of Bangkok who were mostly of Chinese origin from Southern China. Due to the complication of the two worldly wars, the Nan-Tchao project was never been realized. Nevertheless, the Tai nationalism remained.

The Making of Westernized Elite
From the casualty of colonial politic, local leadership was basically wipeout. As the concept of states and nations required a new form of government, a new westernized leadership had to be promoted. With the support of the colonists, migrant workers were virtually replacing the old leadership stratum of Southeast Asia. Based on physical appearance, their first impression of the natives was not favorable. Compared to their Cinicized subjects, the natives appeared to be backward from modern civilization; thus were not up to take on any part of their so-called modernization. To make the matter worst, they noticed native strong personality that furthermore restricted them to become openly westernized. Under these conditions new western educated leaders were slow to emerge from the natives. In contrast to theirs Cinicized compatriots who went a great length to promote westernization, the natives took a back seat and resisted whole-heartily foreign initiatives. To obtain full control, it is imperative that the colonists run their colonies according to a new setting that disable altogether native collective strengths. It is not surprising that under the colonial rule, the new Southeast Asian elite were formed from immigrants, mostly from the southern part of China. Of Yueh background, they were opportunistic. For them, ethic, ideology, and to say the least love for their adopted countries came in second to their own benefit. While the poor folks were mostly honest and open, aristocratic communities were closely networked in a corrupted back door policy. Evidences also show that some of them had already close tie with the Chinese secret societies at their original home. Under colonial rule, they found wealth by controlling local economy and it was not before long that they started to infiltrate into local politic. Through secrecy, they reestablished their societies in their new adopted land. While imminent members worked to control national revenues and resources through monopoly game, others worked with the colonists to dismantle native establishment and to form the colonies. New nations were conceived based on the concept of nationality that allow immigrants to take part of the colonial rule. Despite the objection from academic institution, new nationalities were conceived through made-up history, rewritten by a selected group for the sole political purpose. It was a democratic setting that includes immigrants as the majority of the population and allowed them to present themselves as the power-elite of the new nation. On the other side of the spectrum, natives who did not join the boat became now minorities in their own land. For the sake of the collective good under the flag of a homogenous nation, they were often subjected to oppression and harassment. Following the colonial example, military built-up is always one of the effective means used by the colonists to stress out resistance. It is also well known that military strength stayed to become now the key factor of any nation' s survival policy of Southeast Asia. A typical example of such development could be found in Burma where young western educated people grouped themselves to form the Thakin Party. Mostly of Mien background, they developed themselves into the hard core of future oppressive regime against other native feudal communities. Needless to say, it was proved that the military faction was the one that survives both the native resistance and their own internal feud. In Bangkok where the palace was openly pro-westernized, the westernization was enforced along with its militarization since the arrival of the European colonists. Starting from king Monkot (Rama IV, 1804-1868), the heir apparent would have his full western education by foreign tutor. By doing so, Siam opened itself to western influence that apparently worked for both its court and the European colonists. It is well known that Bangkok earned its independence not only through cooperation with the colonial rule but also of its own military strength. Up to this day, Bangkok had invested heavily in military built-up to guard against any hostile take over its court by both colonial powers and internal uprising. Another new nation that benefited greatly from westernization was Vietnam. Like Bangkok, Hue was not originally native of Southeast Asia. The formation of the Vietnamese power-elite in regard to westernization was mostly the same as in Bangkok. On one side, a group of westernized elite worked alongside the colonist to build up the colony while other groups worked for their own nationalist agenda. The situation however differed in the relationship between Vietnam power-elite and the French colonists. Unlike Siam, Vietnam was a French protectorate and at the same time had a very strong Chinese cultural background.

Formed after the concept of a Cakravatin Empire, Cambodia and Burma had diverse demographic, political and social backgrounds. Standing alone, it was an example of a successful unification through the pacification of Buddhism. Under colonization, the government of both countries were drastically altered by the dismissal of the monarchy and the application of western administrative system. While Britain still remained as a kingdom, Burmese royal houses were exterminated and the remaining were expatriated to India. On the other hand Cambodian royal house was still preserved, but its political prowess had been reduced drastically to barely administrating the royal palace. For the sake of modernization, new colonial administration was set to replace both countries' s traditional style of government and in the process transformed both countries to depend on the colonial rule.

In coping to the New Order
Before he left Cambodia, Jean Moura revealed the last of what he had learned from the Khmer Court. One of his remarks was about the role of the Khmer king in the state decision making. According to his observation, King Norodom was so much isolated from his people and even from his ministers that during his last days he was mostly relying on palace women for advice. His remarks supplemented Other French observers that the Khmer Kingdom was then just a shadow of its glorious past and to make the matter worst, still holding on to its dear memory. Other remarks even blamed the Khmer societies of being too much cozy with the past and by resisting, instead of cooperating with the colonization, Cambodians failed to cope with the modern world. Their remarks were accurate according to the current situation where Cambodia had been through many centuries of foreign incursion and internal crisis. By the time that the French colonists forced king Norodom to accept the French protectorate, Hue and Bangkok took turn to joggle the Khmer Court while they nurtured the Khmer King comfortly within his close entourage. Nevertheless, we had argued that lower court channels still worked according to the decentralized governmental concepts. Moreover we shall argue that holding-on to the past is not one of Cambodian choices and was not always a drawback. Through many centuries of religious practices, Buddhist morality had been anchored deep into Cambodian subconscious mind. The notion of right and wrong prevented them to become proactive during the colonial era when rule and regulation came directly from the colonists themselves. More often perceived as pessimistic, they were nonetheless uncooperative and, to their worst extend, rebellious. It was in the best interest of the colonial powers to bring up new leadership that suited their agenda. The separation of religion and state, on the other hand, gave the colonists reason to destroy traditional governmental system that was so far the main source of colonial resistance. It started with the educational system that promoted the western ways of life. More often, Schools, books and even teachers were provided. Among the graduated, only a handful of high society members, mostly of foreign background, could make use of their knowledge. In Cambodia, a new generation of Chinese and Vietnamese colonial workers took most of the positions of the French protectorate government to take orders from the colonists themselves. Western education would make their societies becoming a new power-elite of their adopted countries while the Khmer natives were left to their own past and stayed behind during the whole process. Under the initiative of the Khmer royal houses, the western education was made more available to the general Khmer population. During the last stage of the French Union, financial support were given allowing poor capable Khmer students to continue their study after finishing elementary schools. In other countries were the Meru legacies of the Angkorean era was completely wiped out, the westernization changed completely the politic of the countries. In Siam and in Burma, the new power elite was totally formed from the stratum of the immigrants. By forming their own societies, modeled according to the western blueprint, the new elite transformed themselves as westerners. For the sake of catching up to the progression of the western world, they became ardent advocate of western life-style and openly critical of the traditional way. Mostly grew-up from the ground of migrant people, they were the favorite of the colonists and were recruited as the next generation of colonial administrators. They were committing themselves on imitating the western world as it was seen to be a good assurance to sustain their successful image. Surrounded by escort and guard, the image enhanced their personal power that was crucial in quieting down local resistance more than giving them the real protection. To further strengthen their position, military built-up protected themselves from any uprising that may occur. Needless to say, their jobs were created and were cohered by the colonists. Without having to go through extensive understanding of their adopted country, they proceeded to cut and past or in the worst case copy what colonial system presented to them. With the help of some western scholars they built their legitimacy through modern time migration theory. New nationalities (often by faked identities) were then launched to support political drive in the quest to build up personal or party' s support from the population. As states and nations were formed to benefit from the western Culture, confusion settled in during the formation of its statehood. To join in the western world, each nation had to relegate all its past and followed the dynamic of political flow carried through by modern time fallacies. In the most extend of their drive, each nation wrote its own history regardless of the past to fit its own interest. To make the matter worst, man-made revolution suppressed the past to promote new imported ideas or ideologies that were often irrelevant to the reality of their country.

The Vietnamese Nationalism
We had argued that Confucianism was in fact one of the adopted cultures that played a big role in the Vietnamese history (The Birth of Vietnam: The Nguyen Dynasty:The Reign of Gia Long). It was Chinese by origin but never had been completely endorsed by the Chinese court. Conceived by the Chinese scholar Confucius, the culture was intended to provide the Chinese court a systematic approach of conducting its state affair. As the base of the Chinese foreign policy, the core philosophy emphasized on benefiting from the surge of the kinetic energy (Karma) during the change of the world power. Even though its discipline was adopted to make up the whole establishment of the Chinese court' s bureaucracy, most Chinese monarchs did not find the knowledge suitable for their liking. Being of imperialistic background, Chinese emperors were too vane to see themselves subjected to the cycling of the Yin-Yang cosmology. To their dismay, Chinese official records confirm that the Chinese history was a continuos series of multiple dynastic changes. The formation of sub-dynasties after the break-up of a centralized empire was also recorded following the crisis. Eminent court members, often of military background took advantage of the internal crisis to form their own states out of their own controlled territory. Vietnam was one of such states that were formed as a result of the cosmic Yin-yang ' s dynamic flow. It was through the initiative of the Han Chinese that Dai-Viet was formed as the southernmost military command post of China. Since then, Dai-Viet was ruled mostly by Chinese military figures and was initiated to many forms of Chinese cultural development. While the Trinh fell into coexisting with China, the Nguyen Dynasty emerged to drive on the next of Viet nationalism. During the drive, evidences show that Confucianism had served the Nguyen' s court well and continued to provide proper guidance to the next generation Viet leadership. It was the Hue' s court own experiences that enabled the modern Vietnamese power elite to continue on benefiting from the world crisis. The skill-set that included the collaboration with the rising world power and the fight to free itself during the latter decline, was typical of Dai-Viet governmental policy from the getgo. During the whole development, they stayed focus on their Nam-tien project and used the world crisis as their mean to accomplish their goal. With the help of the new master, they accomplished their mission on both acquiring new territory and freeing themselves from the old regime. During the colonial era, evidences show that Viet nationalists had their own private institutions to carry on such curriculum outside of French colonial educational system. Founded mostly by aristocrats, the Viet institution became the source of inspiration for the next Viet nationalist movement. The Lycee Quoc-Hoc that was founded in the heart of the imperial capital of Hue, was one of such institution that served the culprit of Vietnamization very well. It was known of producing the best of the Viet nationalists that were going to play important roles in the Cold War era to come (Notes: The Lycee Quoc-Hoc). The Lycee stood in plain sigh of the French colonial rule, nevertheless its activities escaped all along the French suspicion. Of the best Viet collaboration that the French colonist could hope for, the Nationalist school appeared mostly harmless to the French authority. The outcome might have been due to the Confucianist cultural adaptively with the rising power that the Viet Nationalists could get their way, mostly through cooperation, bribery and corruption. The formation of the Nam Dong Publishing House in Hanoi by three intelligentsia youth could be cited as a typical example of such endeavor (VQDD: The Foundation of The Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang: Nam Dong Publishing House). The goal of the publishing house was to write, translate and publish books in order to promote and call for patriotism. As a result, an association of prominent intellectual youth was formed that were to become later members of the Vietnamese nationalist movement "The Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang". While they were working in passing along affordable revolutionary document to rural people, they were providing free classes of the national language and the new Romanized script the "Quoc Ngu". The script for instance was a French initiative in the effort of cutting off the Viet nationals' s tie from their past Chinese dependency. By promoting the use of the script, the French authority was made to believe that the organization was of pro-colonial rule. Their activities were then perceived as an act of cooperation to the French rule rather than a preparation for a rebellion. Looking closely, we could attribute the success of the "Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang" to Confucianism, which of its absence of religious morale conduct evaded all French authority ' s suspicion.

  1. FPCC: The French Presence in Cochinchina and Cambodia, By Miltone E. Osborne
  2. FIndo: French Indochina, by Verginia Thompson
  3. HSEA: A history of Southeast Asia, by D.G.E. Hall
  4. KK: Kamboja Krom: The Power without the Khmer Krom' s people, By Trang Chat But.
  5. HBma:History of Burma: From the Earliest Times to 10 march 1824 The Beginning of the English Conquest, G. E. Harvey
  6. Bma:Burma, D. G. E. Hall
  7. Shan:The Shan State and the British Annexation, by Sao Saimong Mangrai
  8. Thai: Thailand: A short History, by David K Wyatt
  9. WWA: At War with Asia: Essays on Indochina, by Noam Chomsky
  10. NEDT: BEFEO I: Notes Ethnographiques Sur Diverses Tribes du Sud-Est de l' Indochine, by M. A. Lavallee
  1. Chronology
    1838-1858: Darwin developped the concept of "natural selection" based on the theory of evolution; 1863: King Norodom signed the Franco-Cambodian treaty; 1818-1881: karl Max formed the concept of Communism; 1914-1918: World War I; 1922: The birth of the Soviet Union under the leadership of Lenin;
  2. The Two Offspring of the Sun God
    Among many offspring of the Sun God, Gia was representing the Earth and Anu was representing the Heaven. Mithra is quoted to descended from Gia while Varuna is of Anu's ancestry.
  3. The Feudal system of Governing
    Also known as the heavenly system of Governing, the Feudal System composed of many layers administrating from family to the global cakravatin empire. The family headman could be either one of the parents depending upon each community's tradition. It is used to be the father for patriarchal and the mother for the matriarchal community. The tribe headman was mostly known as the medicine man or Shaman could perform a wider range of function for the overall tribal administration. Tribes could be either a village or multiple villages interconnected under the same tribal system. State or country was usually formed to group tribes into bigger communities of the same natural habitat. In the top of the hierarchy, cakravatin empire bound states altogether under the same authority of a cakravatin monarch. Under the Meru Culture, the cakravatin empire is ruled by the living-god.
  4. The Christian belief of the free will
    In the Christian Bible, man was created in the image of God. Since God is spiritual, the image might mean in spirituality instead of physical form. In the free world of today, the freedom of speech is protected under the constitution. In preserving the freedom of speech, the government goes far to protect the preach of hate and the promotion of sin. At the same time, one man' s initiative was often curbed according to a majority decision by democracy. In the communist world, both individual initiative and the freedom of speech are simply prohibited as it is seen to be antagonist to communism. In the Meru world, the initiative is considered as one man' s free will that should be allowed under proper ethical morality.
  5. The Modular Ship Design
    It is considered that the Modular ship design, consisting of dividing the the whole ship into smaller compartments, prevents the whole ship from sinking when one or some of the compartments are flooded.
  6. The Gog legacies of Southeast Asia
    Evidences show that Southeast Asia had been home of the Gog leadership since the antiquity. They were in fact identified as the western Kambujas whose presence in Siam gave way to the Siam Gog (Siam GoK in the inscription of Angkorwat) legacy and in Annam to the Annam Gog (Dai Viet) legacy. As remembered in the Khmer tradition, it happened after the Han Dynasty of China was formed.
  7. King Sihanook and General De Gaulle
    It is clear that the relationship between King Sihanook and General De Gaulle went beyond political scope of both Cambodia and France. There are evidences that both political leaders shared a mutual admiration of each other personal friendship. It supports the misconception of his political opponents that King Sihanook still valued the French dependency.
  8. The Ming's Self Imposed Isolation
    Western writers later mistakenly accused the Mings of self-imposed isolation. It was not so from the beginning. With Ottoman Empire was closing in, the Mings had other choice that to close the Silk Road, but the opening of the Southern Sea through the Chinese settlers were also hindered by the approaching Ottoman sea venture. By then, Java and South India were already under Tartaric control.
  9. Darwin' s Theory of Evolution
    Darwin explained the diversity of animals and plants from a common ancestry as the manifestation of natural laws applied to all types of living thing. Darwin had developed his theory of "natural selection" from 1838 onwards until 1858 when Alfred Russel Wallace sent him a similar theory and proof from his own observation. Both men presented their papers separately to the Linnean Society of London. At the end of 1859, Darwin' s publication of the Origin of Species explained natural selection in detail and in a way that led to an increasingly wide acceptance of Darwinian evolution. Thomas Henry Huxley applied Darwin' s ideas to humans, using paleontology and comparative anatomy to provide strong evidence that humans and apes shared a common ancestry. Some were disturbed by this since it implied that humans did not have a special place in the universe.
  10. British Accord on Burma' s Independance
    Britain then allowed Burma to form a union of states to be independent from India and promised that each indigenous state could request their own suzerainty when the time comes. As part of the British Union, Burma was still very much retaining its political structure as a union of states. However, the new generation of its leaders, having not much recollection about the country' s past, transformed Burma as a centralized Mien nation.
  11. In building the Angkorean Might
    To make-up for the lack of adequate people resource and armament, both Lon-nol and Pol Pot had their own way to solve the problem. A simple math told the Khmer leaders that a Khmer soldier (from a 6 millions inhabitants) needs to accomplish the killing ration of 1:10, meaning that he had to kill at least ten of the Vietnamese soldiers (of 50 millions people) to win over Vietnam. It is said that Lon Nol used widespread supernatural empowering scheme to bring the Khmer army up to fight in the Vietnam war. On the other hand, the Khmer rouge used the communist indoctrination to bring up the efficiency of their army. To win over the big army of the Vietminh, Pol Pot set the killing ratio to 1:30 since he anticipated that only 2 millions could be recruited into the army and the rest had to be kept for production. For that his soldier needed to be 30 times revolutionary redder than a Vietcong or a Vietminh. Both Lon Nol and Pol Pot would find out that while their rationality was promising, the actual result was far below their expected target.
  12. The Fall of Angkor
    In any circumstances, Buddhism was not to be blamed for the decline of Angkor. Angkor' s fall could be seen as conforming to the ancient code of leadership' s conduct. The ancient tradition dictated that the captain of the boat should lead by example and when the boat sinks, he dies along with the boat. This leadership conduct serves as an example for future development that requires trust to sustain peace in the world development.
  13. The Mien ' s Dominance
    The Mongol' s incursion, as we had argued, failed to conquer Southeast Asia as a whole but nonetheless created serious impacts on the politic and demography of the region. The apparent concentration of the Mien people and the Yueh Culture on both Yunnan and Upper Burma was one of the modern dilemmas. In its demographic records, the Yunnan Chronicle already listed the majority of the communities of Yunnan under Mien dominance. Upper Burma was the next of Mien' s subjugation while northern Siam countries were receiving gradual but of no less Mien' s infiltration.
  14. The Purpose of the Ten commandments
    At the critical moment that the Ten Commandments were grossly ignored, both Christians and atheists alike asked when God is coming to save the world. Even though the question induces different meaning relatively to each camp' s view on God' s existence, the answer is that the Ten Commandments were always been there. While Jesus Christ had been known to sacrify his life to restore God' s original teaching, Christianity used the cruscification as an escape route to ignore his morale code. For them, the Morale Code belonged to the Old Testament and should be outdated. It is one of common mistakes among God' s worshippers to emphasize on his grace more than his morale code. Unlike God' s promise that expired after it is fulfilled, God' s moral code is timeless and stays to prove his existence. It is imperative for all Meru branches of religion to emphasize on this Meru's core concept rather than evading it through their own bad practices.
  15. The Meru Culture on Capitalism
  16. The Noah Flood
    The Noah Flood is a typical example of God' s interference to make sure that the "Just" survived the natural selection. Even it meant that only a single family was left to survive the flood, God could not leave humanity to the mercy of natural evolution. Bad government with no mandate from God would have to fail. In a saner environment, decent humanity would then have more chance to succeed. Of its fine-tuning mission, Buddhism would keep humanity in the right track according to God' s rule or Dharma. It is through the interference of a living god that God plays his part against the deterministic rule of natural evolution. It is conforming to this cyclic cosmogony that each humanity was created and maintained since the birth of the Meru Universe.
  17. Mienma vs Barma
    As "Burma" was a derivative of "Brahman", the association of Burma with Mienma could lead to confusion. Unlike Burma that had close affinity with the original Brahman or Ari monk, Mienma was more connected to later development of the Meru tradition. The "Mayan" ' s legacy is by all mean broader than the "Barma" legacy of Southeast Asia. More study might reveal this specific Meru development concerning the Fu or Kambu people, in their worldwide migratory pattern that included South America.
  18. Evidences of Mayanmar' s Legacy in early Burma' s History
    The earliest mention of the "Maranma" is in Mon inscription of 1102, in which they are called the "Mirmar". Mien, the name by which the Chinese knew them and their country, only appears in 1273, when the Mongols had started the conquest of the Kingdom of Pagan (HSEA: To the Beginning of the Eighteen Century: Burma and Arakan: P. 144).
  19. Etnography of Indochinese Natives
    To conclude his study on the tnography of Indochinese Natives, M. A. Lavallee wrote:
    For conclusion, it is not likely that the savage race, indolent, superstitious, non-progressive, is called to play an important role in Indochina. It more likely that it would stay always as an un-useful force for the civilization to which it only create obstacles.(NEDT: p. 311)
    His opinion was shared by Le Myre de Viliers who, as deputy of Cochinchina (From 1879) had promoted the Vietnamisation on both Cochinchina and Cambodia (The French Indochina: The Colonization of Cambodia: The cultural Clashes)

  • The Lycee Quoc-Hoc
    Established by a mandarin named Ngo Dinh Kha (one of whose sons was to become a president Ngo Dinh Diem) of South Vietnam. Quoc-Hoc became the hotbed of Vietnamese resistance to all outside influences. Fierce nationalists such as Diem, equally fierce communists such as North Vietnam' s General Giap and Prime Minister Pham Van Dong, are among the graduates (LRW: Man Behind a War: Ho Chi Minh: P.63-64).