The Lanna State


Project: The Lanna State
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: November/01/2006
Last updated: July/31/2015
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.



INTRODUCTION
As we recall back, the last legacy of Khun Borom started as a descendant of the last Funan or Khmer king Rudravarman. Chased out by the Chenla Kings to take refuge at Nan-chao, he founded the ruling dynasty of Khun Borom under the protection of the Sui Dynasty (581-618). After Nan-chao was raid by the Chinese court of the Tang Dynasty, the descendants of Khun Borom escaped south and reestablished the Khmer Kingdom at Prey-nokor. After subduing the Chenla's control, the regrouped Khmer court founded Angkor to become the Middle Kingdom of the new Cakravatin Empire. Since then, Xiang-mai became one of the cardinal states of Angkor and was politically isolated from Nan-tchao. This disruption moreover accentuated when Haripangjaya was formed to strengthen the Khmer-mon legacies of the region. Under Angkor, Xiang-mai became one of the important cardinal states of the Cakravatin Empire and the Angkorian Paramesvara was actually the same Xiang-mai's legacy of Khun Borom. After the Dynastic crisis, the Angkorian court had diverged itself more and more from its Sivaite tradition. To make the matter worst, the political underchange of Angkor inflicted during the reign of Suryavarman II drove Xiang-mai into obscurity. Under the adverse affect of the Vishnuite Cholan influence, Angkor conducted strong policy against its own progenator of Sivaite background. Only after the advent of the Mongol's incursion that Xiang-mai managed to free itself from the Angkorian condemnation and to thrive as a new nation. With the help of his Guru Sri Mangalvarman, Jayavarman VII extended his control over northern Siam countries that went beyond Burma and the Shan Country. Unfortunately, this vast expansion was also spreading thin Angkor's control. While the unification was under way, the incursion of the Mongols provided more support to internal unrest. To avenge the mistreatment from Angkor, Mangrai joined the Tai Pact to support the Mongol's fight against Angkor.
The Tai Movement
The formation of Lanna along with the breakaway of Sokhodaya from the Yoke of the Khmer Empire had been mistakenly portrayed, during the writing of modern history, as the uprising of petty Tai nations for independence against the military dominant Angkor. Contrary to the misconception that the two countries were formed by the Tai people and fought for independance from Angkor, evidences show instead that they were formed and expanded at the expense of Angkor, through the Mongols support. In that regard, the Chaing-mai chronicle is by far an important source that provides us with complete information of the new development of Lanna as an independent state. Coupled with the Nan chronicle, the chronicle accounts the late aggression of the Tai pact and its eastern expansion during the Mongol's incursion. over many localities of Rajapati and beyond to Nan and Lan-xang. The chronicle provided full description of Mangrai ' s conquest over petty Siam states and the absorption of Haripangjaya to form Lanna. The absorption of Haripangjaya as a major part of Lanna hardly transformed the latter as a Tai nation. The northern Siam tradition recalls the legacy of Haripangjaya in the foundation of Lanna and dedicates a volume to its formation (SIAM: Chronique de Lapun). The Khmer tradition, on the other hand, refers Haripangjaya as the country of Lamneang and that after the fall of Angkor it became the medieval preceptor of the Northern Siam countries. Lexically, the Khmer word Lamneang (Lam-neang) is a reference to Neang Lam or Lady Ram and has a close connection with the name Lampang (Lam-vamsa) meaning the Rama Dynasty. As Lampang and Haripangjaya were two cities founded by the same queen Camadevivamsa it is suggesting that Neang Ram was no other than the queen Camadevivamsa herself. It also suggests that the Rama and the Hari lineage were the same and were connected to the same Cham legacy of Southeast Asia. Politically, we had argued that Haripangjaya was formed during the reign of Jayavarman II and was the preceptor of the new Burmese State Tathon after its break-off from Angkor. We also argued that the formation of the Ramanadesa or the Mon country, starting from King Pyinbya to King Anuruddha, was also in close connection with the Cholan side of the Angkorian court (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Role of Buddhism: The Founding of Haripunjaya). Nevertheless, it is important to note that among members of the Tai pact, Mangrai 's dedication to the Mongolian cause was particularly strong. As we shall see, Mangrai and his immediate descendants still kept contact with the Mongolian legacy of Yunnan, even other members had broke free from the Tai pact. That could be due to the compatibility of cultural or political background that linked the Kambojan aristocrats or Xiang-mai' s court members to the Mongolian past legacy of the Meru Culture. Of Sivaite Background, Mang-rai might see in the Mongols a cultural and political tradition a compatibilty that the actual Angkorian court now could provide. What he could not see however was that the Tartarization had already changed completely the base of Mongolian belief. As we shall see, Lanna was going to enhance its aggressivity through out the rest of its contact with the Ho clan of Yunnan.
THE ANGKORIAN CONNECTION
To understand the deep fracture that set Xiang=mai apart from the Angkorian court, we need to go back from the early foundation of the Angkorian Empire. After the Chenla uprising, Angkor was formed to dissolve the conflict between the antagonist force of the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan dynasties. Xiang-mai was then formed by Anuruddha as a center of the Sivaite tradition of the Sri Vijaya and had since played its role as an important cardinal state of Angkor. After the dynastic crisis, the Cakravatin infrastructure of Angkor started to crumble. After the return of the Chola, Suryavarman II excommunicated Xiang-mai and in the process, transformed it into becoming the Angkorian tough ennemy.
Xiang-mai as a Sivaite cultural Center of Angkor *
As many northern parts of Indochina, there was strong concentration of Yueh aristocrats taking hold of Yunnan as a legacy of the overall Yueh migration during the Han era. By then Xiang-mai, in close connection with Yunnan was under local Yueh leaderships in establishing themselves as feudal rulers under the control of the Han (Prey Nokor: The Han's expansion: The Yueh Migration). The Chao-fas whose origin was of the Yueh-shis branch received investiture from the Han to rule over a mix stock of population of predominantly Lawa or Lua tribesmen. During the advent of the Chenla uprising, King Rudravarman from Prey-nokor established his suzerainty over Yunnan while the Chenla clan completed its subjugation of the Funan Empire. His immediate successors were chased out by the Tang and were invited back to rule as part of the overall power distribution initiated by the Chenla King, Aurudhha. During all of these developments, Anurudha placed the Sri Vijayan houses to take control of both Sri Dharmaraja and Xiang-mai that were going to became the progenator of Angkor's two western cardinal states. Known in Khmer inscriptions as Aninditpura, we had argued that Lavo became a Sivaite cultural center of Angkor (Xiang-mai: The Chenla Connection: Aninditapura as the birthplace of the next Angkorian power elite). With strong Soma legacy, Lavo served as Angkor's military commanding post as well as a Siva-Buddhist inspiration for Angkor. The Brahman Sivakaivalia, the bearer of the cult of Devaraja, was known to come with his family to join the Angkorian court. During the Dynastic crisis, both Lavo along with Haripangjaya suffered serious attacks by the Sri Vijayan court of Ligor. Of Buddhist background, Jayaviravarman at first rejected the Sivaite tradition of the Devaraja Cult and at the same time tried to destroy major Sivaite practices in the Angkorian court. After many fail attempts to subdue Haripangjaya, his son Suryavarman I founded a northern Commanding post to exert more control into the northern Shan country. Khmer inscriptions of Prah Vihea later witness the establishment of Rajapati that we had identified as Mouang Yang of Sipson Panna and formed to safeguard the northern control of Angkor. The temple of Prah Vihea was then built to accommodate the meeting of the Angkorian court with its northern dependency. Suryvarman I later changed his mind about the practice of Deveraja cult and allowed the Param-guru family to be back in his court for the royal ceremonies. During the rest of his reign and of Udayadityavarman II, the Parama-guru and family were back to their old business and received high recognition as before. Needless to say, Xiang-mai that was the hometown of the Parama-guru was to be restored as an important part of the Angkorian Cakaravatin Empire again. During all that time, Xiang-mai along with Sri Dharmaraja, was the house of the Paramesvara lineage of the Angkorian kings. The legacy stayed strong until the reign of Suryavarman II whose close relationship with the Cholan Empire resulted in the political clash with the orthodox Saivite clan of the Angkorian Param-guru (The Construction of Angkor Wat: The Dependency of the Shan Country: The Crack-down on Xiang-mai). Suryavarman II' s devotion to Vishnuite is easily checked through the building of his masterwork, the temple of Angkor Wat that was dedicated to Lord Vishnu. This Cultural change, as we shall see, had a big impact on the relationship between Angkor and Xiang-mai that was going to get worst. Even before his ascension to the Angkorian throne, the Sivaite Param-guru's legacy was seen fading and was soon replaced by the presidency of Divakarapandita. Along with the disappearance of the family members of param-guru Jayendrapandita from the Angkorian court, the Cult of Devaraja was never mentioned again in Khmer inscriptions. In connection to the high of the dynastic feud between the Sri Vijayan and the Cholan clans, the fight split Xiang-mai and the rest of the Sri Vijayan dependency from the new Angkorian court. In his strong campaign to stabilize the Angkorian Cakravatin Empire, Suryavarman II subdued the Sri Vijayan resistance and set Xiang-mai along with its illustrated Param-guru family under condemnation. While Xiang-mai was left to its darker period, Suryavarman II restarted the development of Rajapati to become a new commanding post for the northern Shan countries. These circumstances explain the primary catalyst of the medieval Lanna' s policy of breaking away from the khmer Empire. It is also known that Suryavarman II also had conducted similar campaign against the hard core of the Cholan clan at Champapura with less success (The Construction of Angkor Wat: Maha Nokor: The Secession of Champapura). After his death, Angkor was once again in disarray. While the Cholan affair of Champapura turned to the worst, Xiang-mai took the opportunity to free itself from the condemnation along with the uprising of the Sri Vijayan court.
The Reign of King Mangrai (1259-1317)*
Since the formation of Lawasangharatha, the genealogy of the Lao Kings of Xiang-mai was not disrupted. The last of the Lao princes of Ngoen Yang (Chiang Saen), Mangrai was a son of king Lao Meng. Born in 1239, he was the fourth generation of king Lao Cuang' s descendants. Unlike Ramakamheang who had connection with the new Angkorian court of Sri Vijaya, Mangrai had deep connection with the lineage of the ParamKamboja kings through Lawacangkarat of Xiang-mai. In either case, the two Siam rulers were blood-related through the original Khun Borom. He succeeded his father, Chao Lao Meng, in 1259. As soon as he took the throne of Xiang-mai, Mang-rai learnt that rulers of neighboring countries were fighting. Mangrai had a long reflection and saw that these rulers disputed over manpower and land, each claiming that they were all his, and that their fighting was a source of great suffering to the people.
Any land with multiple rulers is a source of great suffering to its people. Furthermore, much anxiety arises. All these rulers, even though they are of the same lineage from the king Lawacangkarat, descendants of Lao Kop and Lao Chang, no one was consecrated as king. Only my paternal grandfather, king Lao Kao, who was the young sibling of Cao Lao Khop and Lao Chang, was consecrated as king that continued down to me today.
The passage indicates that petty Siam's rulers who were once under Xiang-mai might not been in subordination any more. By tradition, Xiang-mai and its rulers received from Angkor' s insignia of an autonomous cardinal state and the higher authority over its surrounding petty states. Following the condemnation by Angkor, however, it is understandable that Xiang-mai was stripped of any past dependency.
Further more, the regalia of coronation such as the Sword of Victory, the spear, the Srikanjaya Dagger, and the Auspicious Gems were coming down to me from Grandfather Lao Cong, and I have maintained to the present day. All of those who are my neighbor kings have not undergone coronation like me, and they cannot withstand me. I should attack and take those domains.
It is interesting to note that one of the regalia of coronation, the Sword of Victory (JayaSri) was also mentioned in the inscription of Ramakamheang as a token from the Angkorian monarch for recognizing Prah Ruang as an independent sovereign. Now that the control of the Angkorian Empire was already reduced considerably by the incursion of the Mongol, Mangrai saw the opportunity to reunite the Siam kingdoms under his control. He then gathered troops and attacked southern neighboring states; among his conquests were Muong Lai, Chiang Khan, Chiang Chang, Chiang Rai, Chiang Khong and Muong Soeng. His first son, Khun Khrung, was born during the foundation of Chiang Rai and his second son, Khun Khrua was born during the conquest of Muong Soeng. Through his political genuity, Mangrai was able to unite the northern countries together in a pact that strengthen their position against Angkor. Since the early stage of the Mongolian incursion, Mangrai joined the Tai Pact to carry on his project. Through the Paramkambojan legacy, the leadership of Xiang-mai had very deep past connection with the Tai legacy of Central Asia (The Nagadvipa: The lands of the Nagas: Sri Paramesvara). The connection stopped after the Tai-Yuan Country underwent political changes through tartaric incursions. Under various Chinese rulers, the people of the Tian Shan Range became more and more Cinicized. In the exception, evidences show that Yunnan still maintained its own autonomy under local rulership. Due to its remoteness, most Chinese courts in the past left the local rulers opportunities to sustain their full authority. After the fall of the Han, China had in the past little interest with the mountainous regions and their barbaric life-style. The Chinese court granted them investiture to rule autonomously, as long as they stayed faithful and kept paying tribute to China. The advent of the Mongol' s incursion however changed the whole situation. By invading Yunnan, the Mongol revived the Chinese legacy on the Yunnan population and at the same time reinforced the Tai legacy of the region. While Ramakamheang was seen at the forefront of the Tai Pact, there are however less evidences about Mangrai' s swearing allegiance to the Great Khan (Notes: Mangrai vs the Mongol). Unlike the other two members of the pact who received directly investitures from the Chinese Emperor, Mangrai appeared to keep his distance. Some scholars even posited that Lanna was actually the Pa-pai-si-fu of the Chinese texts and that the three Shan brothers who fought against the Mongol's occupation in Pagan might had been connected to Mangrai's court.
The Conquest of Haripangjaya *
Along with its sister city Lavo, Haripangjaya were two of Angkor 's cardinal states. During the Dynastic crises, we had seen that Haripangjya had been an escape ground for the Angkorian king Jayavarman V whose connection with the Chola was well known. Continuous fights with Lavo occurred until it was back again under Angkor during the reign of Jayavarman VII. The Xiang-mai chronicle did not provide information on the next king Yiba' s background who was going to become the victim of Mangrai' s opportunistic policy. Unlike other Mon states of Ramandesa that fell under the Vishnuite Talaing kings, new findings suggests that the lineage of the Pagan' s Sweet Cucumber king was actually the reigning dynasty of this Mon state. It explains why their Buddhist zeal did not need to compromise with Hindu practices of Vishnuite sect as at Pagan (The Ramana Desa: The Three Dynasties: The Cucumber Gardener). Of its own development, the court of the sweet Cucumber King was free of Zoroastrian influence. It was actually the only court of Southeast Asia that still retained its pure Siva-Buddhist background. In close conjunction with Angkor, the Mongols incursion was another important event that would shape the fate of the Cucumber King 's lineage. Unlike Pagan, Haripangjaya was unaffected by the Mongol's direct attack and was mentioned to be prosperous still under the reign of King Yiba. The fall of Pagan however would result in Haripangjaya becoming vulnerable to the aggression of the Tai pact. Apparently Mang-rai saw the opportunity too good for him to let it passed by and decided to annex the neighboring country to his control. Nevertheless, Haripangjaya still presented itself of strong popular support that became a major setback to his ambitious plan. To conquer it, Mangrai' s strategy was to set an elaborate scheme to destroy its internal strength and most of all the support of the people to the Mon court. First he sent an emissary to work himself into becoming an important member of the Mon court. After winning the confidence of the king, the emissary used his assigned job at the office of preceptor to work out his plan in preparing Haripangjaya for the conquest by Mangrai. He succeeded to induce havoc into the Mon court and alienate the people against it. When he had sufficiently exasperated the Mon inhabitants against the king, he notified Mangrai of the situation. The Siam King sent his army marching toward Haripangjaya and took the city by storm without much resistance in 1291-92. The Mon king fled to Khelang (Khaleyang or Lampang) and joined his son to stage back a return but failed. According to the chronicle, Yiba took refuge at Pitsanulok after his son was killed during the attack. Mangrai stopped his son to go further pursuing the fleeing King into Sokhodaya's territory. It is important to note that Pitsanulok that is located at the doorstep of Sokhodaya, was at the time a dependency of the Sokhodayan court. It was founded by king Thama-Trai-Pidak whom we had identified as king Luadayaraja (Sokhodaya: The decline of Sokhodaya: The Reign of King Sucharat). The allowance to the courts of Haripangjaya and Lampang to take refuge in its territory reveals a political consortium between Sokhodaya and the Mon courts. There were evidences that Lu-daya, the new ruler of Sokhodaya already broke tie from the northern Tai Pact and Mangrai was wise enough to do not aggravate the situation. Instead, he took the opportunity to integrate Haripangjaya as part of his kingdom. With the blessing of the Mongols, Mangrai founded on the Mae Ping, north of Haripangjaya, the city of Lanna in 1296. We shall see that this city would become an important political center for the Tai world later in history. Through more contact with the Ho of Yunnan, Lanna was in the true sense the next spreading ground of the Tai culture. At the same time, we shall argue that the Tai migration theory did not apply to this Tai development of northern Siam countries. Like Sokhodaya, Lanna was formed mainly on the ground of the legacies of the Khmer-mon and Lua people. Originally speaking of Autroasiatic family of Language, we had seen that the Lua tribesmen have already adopted the Tai language. Through contact with the Tai people of Mean-ta-tok, the Lua people had already transformed themselves to become Tai. The lack of information prevented us from further commenting on the Xiang-mai court's culture during the Angkorian era. The absorption of Haripangjaya however would include the Khmer-mon speaking people as the majority of the population. Leaning toward his new policy, Mangrai would convert all the Mon people to adopt the Tai culture. In a short period of time, Haripangjaya lost its statehood and became a part of Lanna.
THE LAST LEGACY OF RAJAPATI
In conjunction to the development of the Tai world, the support of the Mongols provided members of the Tai pact with opportunity to launch their own endeavor. Royal houses of diverse background took the advantage of the Mongolian support to carve their own dominion on the broken ground of the Angkorian dependency. Beside Ramakamheang whose family tie with Kublai Khan resulted in Sokhodaya becoming a Mongolian commanding post, Mangrai was obviously next in the line to receive the most benefit from the Khan. With the continuing relationship with the Ho of Yunnan, Mangrai extended Lanna's frontier eastward at the expense of Rajapati.
Pa-pai-si-fu and King Kiozwa II *
Among members of the Tai pact, the identity and background of King Ngam Muang of Phyao was the most mysterious one. Unlike the two Siam rulers who shared the Khun Borom's ancestry, there are no indications that Gnam Muong had the same deep connection with the Tai-Yuan ethnic ancestry (Notes: King Gnam Muang of Phyao). The Xiang-mai chronicle however hints that his inclusion into the Tai Pact started when Mangrai was still ruling over Xiang-rai. While awaiting for the progress of his emissary at Haripangjaya, Mangrai brought his troops to subdue Muong Phyao. Facing with Lanna's attack, King Gnam Muong also brought his troops to fight against Mangrai at Ban Dai. Instead of fighting, the two came into agreement and became friends. The pact took place during the Mongol's incursion deep in Burmese politic that resulted in the abolition of Angkorian control over Burma. After the fall of Pagan in 1287, we had seen that Kyozwa II had been granted investiture from Kublai to rule over a Chinese controlled territory of northern Burma (The Fall of Nokor Thom: The fall of Raman desa: The last of the Pagan Dynasty). It was exactly at the same time that the Siam tradition mentioned about King Ngam Muang of Phyao joining with Mangrai and Ramakamheang to form the Tai Pact. Connecting to the advent of Asankaye rebelling against the Chief of Mien, in the Yunnan chronicle, we conclude that King Kyozwa II was no other than the Chief Mien mentioned in the account. Apparently, Kyozwa II received the investiture from the Khan not only to rule Pagan, but also over the northern Shan territory of Muong Yang as well. Before he was receiving appropriate protection from the Mongols, evidences show that Kyozwa had to yield to Mangrai's demand. According to the Xiang-mai chronicle, when Mangrai sent an expedition to Pukam-Ava and requested to provide a retinue of 500 families of goldsmiths to him, the Burmese ruler had yielded to the demand (CHC: King Mangrai' s expedition to Phukham-Ava). During his assassination by Asankaye, one of his sons named Kumarakassapa escaped to China and was proclaimed king to replace his father by the Chinese court. There was no clarification of where he ruled since Pagan and Rajapati were now under the Three Shan Brothers. Our assumption is that Kumarakassapa ruled under the name of Gnam Muang over Muang Phyao and tried to extend his kingdom with the support of the Yuan Court. It was actually part of the Great Khan' s plan to make his way to Angkor after taking control of the whole of Pa-pai-si-fu. In cooperation with the Mongols, King Ngam Muang leant to Chinese support and managed to survive at least until Pyao was attacked by the Xiang-mai King Kham Fu (1328-1337). On the other side, members of the Three Shan Brothers and other remnant of the Angkorian courts who were still present in the Shan Maw, regrouped themselves to become the next rulers of Rajapati. They were rulers of Nan and Vieng-chan who emerged from their obscurity to carry on the legacy of Muang Mao after the withdrawal of the Mongol (The Lao Kingdom of Lang-xang: The Nan Country: The medieval Nan country). According to the Nan chronicle, Muang Yang was without a ruler after the death of Phraya Phukha. Chao Kao Kuan who was then king of Muang Pua (Vieng-chan) was invited to ascend the empty throne of Muang Yang. Reluctantly, he accepted the invitation and had to leave his pregnant wife to rule over Muang Pua. It was a rare opportunity for King Gnam Muang of Pyao to make his move and captured Muang Pua to become part of his dominion. He later delegated the city of Muang Pua to one of his consorts named Ua Sim whose similar story about the buffalo's soup connects her to the same consort of king Ngam Muang who went out her way to have an affair with Ramakamheang (Notes: The Buffalo Soup). Considering that the current King Ngam Muang is identified as Kumarakassapa, the son of Kiozwa II who himself was crowned as King Ngam Muang during the time of Ramakamheang, the story of the Buffalo soup furthermore connects the two kings as one. During the attack, the last pregnant queen of Muang Pua managed to escape and hid herself in the house of her previous cook. She later gave birth to a son who later grew up to become a court member of King Ngam Muang. Through his dedication, he was later promoted to become the governor of Muang Pratt and received the title of Chao Sai Yot. The lady Ua Sim whose similar incident identifies her as King Ngam Muang' s consort who had an affair with Ramakamheang apparently still hold her grudge against her husband. Hearing of Chao Sai Yot as the new governor of Pratt, she sent messenger to request help for breaking free from her husband's control. By the time, she already had a grown-up son named Am-pom with Ngam Muang who stayed with her at Muang Pua. Seeing an opportunity to take back his country, Chao Sai Yot agreed. He married Lady Ua Sim and was crown king of Muang Pua in 1320. He received the title of Chao Pha Nong. Upon receiving the new, King Ngam Muang brought his army to fight the couple. When he saw his own son Am Pom conducting Muang Pua' s army to face him, he withdrew his troops back without fighting. The incident obviously took place after the exploit of the youngest of the Three Shan Brothers, Thihathu, who after marrying the queen of Kyozwa left Rajapati and went to establish Pinya in 1312 (Notes: Tihathu vs Chao Pha Nong).
The Establishment of Pinya *
After the death of his eldest brother Athinkaya, Thihathu crowned himself in 1309 and went on consolidating Upper Burma in 1310. He chose Pinya as his residence where his descendants continued to reign until 1364 and named his new capital Vijayapura (Notes: The Legacy of Vijayapura). The establishment of Pinya, as we shall see, resulted in the formation of the Medieval Burma as a kingdom that retained its legacy until modern days. According to Burmese source, Thihathu reigned with the last queen of Kyozwa and dedicated the throne to her son who was the only legal heir left from the last Pagan court. Perhaps because of personal attachment or a solemn duty toward the ancient royal house of Pagan, Tihathu continued to stay in background and dedicated the rest of his life trying to resuscitate back the Pagan court. His commitment however was not shared by the rest of his family who saw the old court of Pagan as not worthy anymore of their support. Circumstances moreover gave them plenty of opportunities to start on their own ventures. In 1315, one of Thihathu's sons named Athinkhaya went to establish himself at Sagain from which he extended his dominion toward the north and the west. His establishment was particularly successful partly because of the support received from the surviving sect of the Ari monks. Being longtime suppressed by Anuruddha and his descendants, the Ari monks found in the Three Brothers a second chance for prosperity that they could not find in the previous court of Pagan. Consistent with their origin from the Rajapati court of Sri Mangalavarman, the Three Shan Brothers were tolerant of the Brahmanic practices. Themselves belonging to the Brahmanic cast, Athinkaya and the rest of the Three Shan Brothers were seen as the reviver of the Burmese legacies. Not only that Athinkhaya accepted support from the Ari communities but he also resuscitated back the Brahmanic communities of the ancient Barma tradition of Tagaung. It is not surprising that Athinkaya could build himself a strong support from both the Shan country and Arakan. Their rallying would give a boost to the start-up Sargain royal house that was going to resuscitate back, at least as it meant to be, the lost legacy of Angkor. Unfortunately, this un-parallel development would create friction between Sagain and Pinya and Tihathu was seen doing the best he could to sustain peace and order between the two. After his death, rivalry broke free and the two antagonist powerhouses fought in the open. During the next unfold of Burma history, we shall see the interference of the southern Mon countries as well as of the two distant relatives of Rajapati and of Arakan to join into the conflict. Amid the fighting, a new leader emerged to stabilize the country and at the same time distanced himself from both royal houses. His name was Thadominbya and according to Burmese source, he was a son of a notable who claimed to descend through his father side from Pyusawti lineage of the ancient Tagaung, and through his mother side to be connected to the Three Shan Brothers. After abandoning Sagaing and Pinya, he moved his court to Ava which enable him to build upper Burma into a unified kingdom again. He died in 1368 without a heir and his next successor, Swa Sawke, was also picked from the same background of combined lineage of ancient Burmese Kingship and the Three Shan Brothers (Notes: The Ancestors of Swa Sawke). Chinese sources claim that Swa Sawke received help from Yunnan and ascended the throne of Ava with Chinese recognition. Another interference, involving a conflict between the contemporary court of Shan Maw and the Ming court of China would test Ava of its ancestral loyalty. In reorganizing Yunnan as a province of China, the Ming took Muong Yang as part of Yunnan and drove the fallen court of Rajapati to take refuge at Ava. Upon request, Ava betrayed the displaced king of Muang Yang and his son and handed them over to the Chinese court. The betrayal had triggered a bad sentiment between the two courts and revenge from the part of Rajapati court soon followed. In 1363 another surviving son of the king of Muang Yang brought up an army to attack Ava to avenge his father. Ava was destroyed but Swa Sawke survived the attack and succeeded to regroup Ava once again under his control. Continuing the policy of his predecessor, he extended Ava' s domination down into the Irrawadi Basin. In the drive against the southern Mon royal houses, the new Burmese court disintegrated. At his death at 1401, his heir-apparent was himself murdered by his own guru and Ava was once again faced with internal crisis. One of Swa Sawke' s sons with a village maiden, named Minkhaung was elected as the next king. His eldest son, Minye Kyoswa, was named as the crown princes in 1406. Until he was killed in combat, Minye Kyoswa relentlessly fought along side his father against the Mon countries. After the death of Minkhaung, his younger son Tihathu took the throne. Judging from their title, we see a reunion of the family line from the late Kyoswa king of Pagan and the youngest of the Three Brothers, Tihathu back in the politic of Eva. In contrast to his brother Kyoswa who considered himself as the enemy of the Mon, Tihathu was quoted trying to make a friendly reconciliation with the Mon.
The Establishment of Lanna *
After the Mongols' exit from Yunnan, Mangrai continued on establishing a relationship with the remaining Ho at Yunnan and was still in a position to build himself into becoming a regional power. After the decline of Sokhodaya and the death of King Kyowswar II of Pagan, the breaking of the Tai Pact left Mangrai as the sole contender to claim on the leftover trophy from the Mongolian exploit. Under these new circumstances, Lanna recovered back stronger than ever and built itself as the new powerhouse of northern Siam countries. Strengthened by the newly formed alliance with the Ho court of Yunnan, Lanna extended its control beyond Nan and the former state of Phyao. It was the first time that the Chaingmai chronicle mentions about the eastern extension of Lanna deep into Rajapati. In a blunt move, Lanna disconnected the remnant of the Pagan court settling at Angkor with Burma that was now consolidated under the control of the Three Shan Brothers. Before his death in in 1317/18, Mangrai left a strong legacy of Lanna into becoming the next powerhouse of mainland Indochina. Bacoming victim of its own success, Lanna was itself plagued with internal crises. After Mangrai died, his son Cheyasonghkram who was then a ruler of Xiang-rai crowned his eldest son Thao Saen Phu to rule Xiang-mai. After ruling for one year, his uncle Cao Khun Khrua who was a ruler of Muong Nai (of the Shan Country) brought an army to usurp the throne of Xiang-mai. Hearing the news, Cao Phraya Cheyasonghkram then organized an army for his son, Pho Thao Nam Thuam, who was then the ruler of Fang, and instructed him to go take Xiang-mai back from his uncle. The latter succeeded to infiltrate his army into the city and captured his uncle into confinement. He informed his father of his successful campaign and was awarded the throne of Xiang-mai by the latter. Two years later, it was his turn to be taken away from the throne of Xiang-mai and was exiled to Muong Khem by his youngest brother, Cao Thao Ngua. Again it was a campaign orchestrated by his father, king Cheyasonghkram who was tipped of the disloyalty of his son. By his father's decision before he passed away at 1327, Chao Thao Saen Phu was crowned a second time at Xiang-mai. After the death of his father, Chao Thao Saen Phu crowned his son, Cao Kham Fu, to be king of Xiang-mai while himself went to rule Xiang-rai. He ruled for seven years and died of an illness. Receiving the new, Cao Kham Fu arraigned his son, Cao Thao Phaya, to rule over Xiang-mai while he himself took an army to arrange his father's funeral at Xiang-rai. He then ruled over Xiang-saen and continued to consolidate northern Siam countries under his rule. The next important event that was through carried by his endeavor, might shed light to the modern history of modern Thailand by the formation of Ayudhya in 1350. It was about a join venture between Cao Kham Fu and the Kaeo king of Nan against the ruler of Muong Phyao. The existence of this Kaeo court, far away from the Kaeo country of Yuannan was not a coincidence. We had seen that the Lao king Cuang in the second half of the eleventh century, during his conquest deep in the Kaeo country had left a lineage of him in the Kaeo court. During the consecration of King Mangrai, the contemporary Kaeo king named Kaeo Pongsa came to render him homage and recall their past connection (CMC:Chapter I: New Coronation for Mangrai).
My great-grandfather, king Cuang, even though he was lord of Lavaratha, then went on to conquer the Kaeo domain and reign there in the Kaeo domain. He had descendants, now down to me, so we are of the same lineage.
This rendering of homage to king Mangrai was a prelude to the drastic political changes at the Kaeo country under the new plan of Kublai Khan. After the Kaeo ministers (obviously from the court of Kaeo-pangsa) were founded guilty in murdering the Great Khan's envoi to Pagan, it is expected that the Great Khan would inflict hash punishment on the ruling Kaeo court. Presumably, Kaeo Pongsa was driven out and was seeking protection from his long lost relative King Mangrai. With the latter' s protecion, they settled at Nan that was known as an important city of Rajapati. At the same time, KUblai annointed Rama-kamheang as governor of Ta-li and allowed Sokhodaya to extend its control deep into Yunnan over the Kaeo countries. Under the discretion of Mangrai, Kaeovamsa settled his court at Nan. The next event that drove his court out of Nan into a southern venture first at Campheng Pet and later at the island of Ayudhya was induced by the next Xiang-mai's ruler. While ruling at Xiang-saen, Kham Fu had cooked-up a plan to attack Phraya Ngam Muong of Phyao and approached the Kaeo king of Muong Nan to join him in the venture. The two joined armies plundered Muong Phyao for the taking of its accumulated wealth and treasor (Notes: Phraya Ngam Muong of Piao). Phraya Kham Fu amassed all the trophies but did not share them with the Kaeo court. Upset of the unfair business, the Kaeo king of Nan brought his army toward Xiang-saen to launch a retaliation. He later changed his mind and withdrew his forces and on the way plundered Muong Fang instead. Hearing the new, Phraya Kam Fu was angry and brought up an army to fight off the Kaeo king. Loosing the battle, the Kaeo King fled and the troops of Phraya Kam-fu pursued him as far as Muong Ngae. The chronicle mentions that the Kaeo king later found his way back to Nan by passing through Muong Salao and the district of Phyao.
THE LAST ALLIANCE WITH THE MONGOLS
During the Mongol's incursion, Dai-viet escaped the Khan's direct control mostly by self-determination. Using Champapura as wild card, Dai-viet managed to resist the Mongols' repetitive attack. When the Ming finished off the hard core of the last Yuan Dynasty, the Mongol's legacy still stayed strong at Yunnan as well as at many other parts of China. Instead of fighting them off, the Ming recruited them and used as much of the Mongolian administration and army to be part of their own empire. Under these circumstances, Lanna had to limit its own ambition to cope with the presence of the two military houses of Yunnan. With tact, Lanna was able to pull-off itself from the setback and still managed to gain territory over Rajapati.
The Skirmish with the Ho of Mount Prah Khan *
The Xiang-mai chronicle clearly indicates that the next rulers over Yunnan was actually a surviving Ho contingents stationed at mount Prah Khan. AS part of the Tai Pact, Lanna and many of the northern Siam countries still stayed faithful to the Mongol mastermind of the region and were more or less subject to the Ho's tribute system. It was thus more beneficial for the Mings to establish a southern tribute system through the Ho court of Yunnan. Conforming to the Ming's requirement, the Ho renewed its policy of extending the tribute collection over Lanna. In 1402, they sent an envoy to the Siam King Sam Fang Kaen of Chiang Saen, requesting the tribute of rice of four thousand double-baskets. The Siam King then responded to the Ho chief.
The four thousands double-baskets of rice have not been required since they were ceased in the time of grand father King Ku Na. I won't have it.
(CMC: Chapter 4: War with the Ho, 1402/03)
King Kun Na of the passage was a Lanna's king, two generations down the line after King Kam Fu. His reign over Lanna in 1367/68 coincided with the conquest of the Ming over Yunnan in 1368. The passage indicates that Lanna had sent tribute to the Ho of Mong Prah Khan during the Mongol era, but stopped soon after the Ming took over of Yunnan. As expected, the Ho was offended by the Lanna's refusal to pay tribute and commissioned Cao Fai Fa of M. Sae to lead an army and attacked Xieng-Saen. King Sam Fang Kaen was able to rally help from neighboring allies and set a trap to defeat the Ho' s army. That seemingly stopped the attempt of the Chinese interference over the south through the Ho's court of Yunnan. Three years later, the Ho brought up troops to attack again. King Sam Praya fang Kaen was informed and set up court sessions to discuss the matter. According to the Lao Tradition, there was consensus from his court astrologers that some sacrifice measures were needed to deflect the fate of the Lao country currently unfavorable by the cosmic forces. After the measures were performed, a big storm hit the Ho headquarters and Lightning killed the Ho Chief and many of his subordinates. The disater forced the Ho to have a second thought about their policy with Lanna.
The Ho though that the domain of the Lanna people had enormous and mysterious power, and they had sinned against the king of Lanna, causing so many men to die. Henceforth, we should not attack. (CMC: Chapter 4: Another Ho attack, 1405/06)
After the reflection, the Ho apparently left the Siam Kings alone. With that arrangement, the relationship between Xiang-mai and the Ho of Yunnan became increasingly closer. The next Siam King to ascend the throne in 1442 was the sixth son of King Sam Praya fang Kaen named king Trilokaracha. He was at first anointed to rule Muong Phrao Wang Hin, but was removed to rule Muong Yuam Tai instead after a conflict with his father. After a series of palace intrigue, Trilokaracha ruled over Xiang-mai with the help of his uncle Mun Lok Nakhon or Lok Sam Lan. More internal conflict brought the unwanted interference from Ayudhya. Invited by Mun Sam Krai Han, king Borommaracha brought an army to encamp at Xiang-Thong. Mun Lok Sam La managed to uncover the intrigue and defeated the Ayudhya army. With that victory, Lanna was secured with its southern rival and concentrated its conquest toward the east. The first stop was against the Nan ruler, Phraya Kaen Thao, who had refused to be vassal of Lanna and had plotted against Mun Phaeng od Phayao. Of the intrigue, Trilokaracha was furious and sent an army to attack and take the city of Phraya Kaen Thao. The war took six years and King Kaen Thao fled to take refuge with the king of the South. This account agrees with the Nan Chronicle about the Nan King Intakaen, losing the war with king Tilok of Chiangmai, took refuge at Muong Chaliang in 1448. There was however a slight different version in the Nan chronicle however about the cause that drove king Trilokaracha to annex Nan. It was the salt mine of Nan that king Trilokaracha was going after and not the bad policy of King Kaen Thao as mentioned in the Chiegngmai chronicle. The Muong Chaliang where the Nan king Intakaen taking refuge was Angkor under the reign of Sri Ponha Yat and not the actual Lampang that is now under the control of king Trilokaracha of Lanna. Nevertheless, Lanna's success story was going to be hintred by the aggressivity of a free agent Dai-Viet. In their own history, the Viets were always looking to break away from the Chinese central control and the arrival of the Great Khan provided them with fresh opportunities. With a powerful army under their care, the need of revenue pressed Dai-Viet for military exploitation. After the Song court and Champpura were taken by the Khan, Dai-Viet sent tribute to the Yuan court to stay out of the MOngols' next victim list. When the Yuan Dynaty was in decline, the Viets started to challenge their authority and made their move to attack Champapura. Under new adverse circumstances induced by the Ming Dynasty, Dai-viet had no other choice than to set Champapura free and allowed Fah-Ngum to build Lan-xang at its doorstep.
The Dai-Viet's affair *
Dai-Viet saw the development of the eastern Lao country as a good revenue's source for its high expedenture. With a slight incident concerning a white elephant. Dai-Viet attacked Luang Prah Bang for retaliation. After pillaging the Lao country, the Viets continued on marching toward Muang Nan that was at the time under the control of Xiang-mai. King Trilokaracha was despaired to find a solution to induce the Viets to go back home. Consulting with his court, the king was not satisfied with any suggestion so far rendered. From freeing a mad elephant into the Viet camp to a more realistic suggestion, the king Two Ho brothers who were retainers of the Lao court volunteered themselves to outmaneuver the Viets.
We and the Viets speak the same language. We two brothers can induce the Viets to withdraw just by the prestige of the royal majesty.
Having no other viable solutions, king Trilokaracha agreed and awarded the Ho retainers handsomely. The two brothers embarked to meet the Viets and told them a lie.
The rulers of the West will bring up troops in great numbers. Chao Kha Kan will be in command to take on the Viets. Innumerable Viets would die and not a single one will be left. The preparation has been quite immense. Your commander has just died. You like fighting, don't you? It's too bad that you have not withdrawn.
It is interesting to note that the Ho retainers spoke the same language with the Viets. As the Mongolian legacies were strong in Kiao-tche, the Viets speaking the same language as the Ho implicates that they were from the same source. After they heard the warning, the Viets were quite afraid, so they withdrew. The Lao tradition of Lan-xang however gave slightly different version of the same event (Nokor Champa and the Lao Kingdom of Lang-xang: The Vietnamese attacked Luang Prah Bang). Besides that the Prime Minister of the reigning King Saya-Chakkaphat provoked the attack of Dai-viet, it was Chao Then-Kham, a son of King Saya-Chakkaphat, who drove the Vietnamese out of the Lao Kingdom and that they headed back into their country, with only a few survivors left. After the withdrawal of the Viets, King Trilokaracha decided to make the best of the situations and took that advantage to make a good impression with the Ho court. He sent messengers to inform Chao Lum Fa of his latest exploit.
The Viets brought their troops to attack Lan-xang, 200,000 strong, fought and defeated the Lan-xang people, and then crossed the river to invade the frontiers of Nan. The king of Lanna had Chao Kha Kan, the ruler of Nan, with an army of 40,000, go out to fight the Viets, many of whom died. Chao Kha Kan cut off many of their heads and presented them to the king of Lanna. Many Viet were taken prisoner. The king of Lanna then had me presented them to Chao Lung Fa, who is his superior.
The Ho Ruler who obviously was pressured by the Chinese court to stabilize the region and still had hard time in controlling Dai-viet, was so moved upon hearing the report.
Unbelievable! In this world, I am just one man, with the power to conquer all domains. The king of Lanna is verily the man with the second best power and bravery.
He then issued commands to treat the king of Lanna in high regard.
Henceforth, do not let the king of Lanna have just the rank of a lord of a hundred thousands. Give him the status of a lord of a million.
The recognition was soon followed by an assignment, the Ho ruler had two high-ranking Ho officers carrying a seal script as special envoys to Xiang-mai annointing its king to act on his behalf.
Whatever enemies of Chao Lum Fa might arise, the kings of Lanna should have all local rulers take their troops and subdue them.
As we shall see, it was just an unnecessary measure that the Ho court thought as a viable solution to its dilemma. After the incidence, Dai-Viet decided to stop their western venture altogerher. In a restless move to carry on its Nam-tien project, Dai-Viet invaded Champapura and left its western neighbors alone for the time being.
The Affair with Lan-Xang Pressed by the Ming court to meet the tribute requirement, the Ho ruler of Yunnan soon forgot his previous accord with their southern ally. Not long afterward, he sent the two Ho officers back to the court of Lanna, this time to request tribute. King Trilokaracha took the last assignment from the Ho ruler as an excuse to refuse paying the tribute.
Previously Chao Lum Fa granted permission in a sealed script delivered to me saying that I was supervise the western regions, and that if there were any enemies of Chao Lum Fa arising, I would have my warriors go and suppress them. Therefore, any tribute due to Chao Lum Fa I will render by maintaining my elephantry, cavalry and infantry, who are volunteers for the Chao Lum Fa.
The two Ho officers reported back to the Ho court and the Chao Lum Fa could not agree more.
Over all the earth, none is braver than the king of Lanna. No one must look down on Lanna as a small country. Whatever tribute Lanna sends is up to the king of Lanna who maintains their brave troops for us.
King Trilokaracha, thinking that it would be wise not to push too far on his good impression on the Chao Lum Fa, decided to start sending tribute to the Ho ruler. The first tribute consisted of four different kinds of products of the country:
nine tusks of elephant ivory, nine pieces of Burmese cloth, nine pieces of Thai cloth, and nine rhinoceros horns.
With the tribute, the good relationship between the Ho and Xiang-mai continued on until the Ho was purged completely out from Yunnan by the Ming court. As Lanna became increasingly the target of its emerging neighboring nations, the Lao king needed all the help as he could get to sustain its suzerainty. During the next fight for supremacy, Lanna still maintained its right over northern Siam countries. At the same time, Burma, Ayudhya, and the Lao kingdoms of Lan-xang saw Lanna also as part of theirs past heritage and subject to their claim for annexation. The circumstances forced the Lanna King Trilokaracha to shift its policy to a more aggressive mode. He returned to Xiang-mai after the death of his queen, but left all his troops at Nan. According to the Xiang-mai chronicle, Lan-xang then made its move to annex Nan.
Just as he was arriving, the king of Chawa, seeing that Nan was weak and unstable, brought his army to attack Nan, encamping his troops at Thap Saom Poi, with ten thousands troops. The king Trilokaracha then had Mun Ngoen, the ruler of M. Phrao, together of men of other domains, go to set up his troops at a place Thap Som Moi, where they fought with the Chawa and contested without issue.
The Chawa in this account was no other that the leadership and the people of Luang Prah Bang. Nevertheless, Lanna was not going to back down and used Khun Borom' s pretext for a graceful surrender as before. In association with the Ho court of Chao Lum-fa, Lanna was strong enought to stand Lan-xang' s attack.
Mun Ngoen of Phrao then sent word to the king. The King then had another 100,000 Xiang-mai troops sent to fight the Chawa at Thap Som Poi, and defeated them. The Chawa fled.
After recapturing Nan, the Lanna King went straight to invade Lan-xang.
In 1454/1455, the king went to M. Chawa and obtained Chiang Tin Khrong Noi Khrong Luang. Reaching kaet Laeng, he had Mun Koeng Tin Chiang and all the Xiang-mai men and all the various domain men go by way of M Luak and Nun, on the Mekong. When the King reach M. Chawa, he sent Mun Koeng Tin Chiang to Nun, and then returned. The king of Chawa had Mun Phren Dong reported that the chawa people were advancing on the king on the King's forces. He volunteered to fight the Chawa and push them into the Mekong, killing many of them. The king Trilokaracha replied "That Mun Phran has volunteered is very good, as you have said. So Mun Phran took troops, elephants, and horses, and hid at a place in the forest. There he pretended to beat the horse and break his leg, and led it across the sand with the cavalrymen following it behind. The Chawa men saw the horse on the strand. Mun Phran Dong then set his troops to attack the Chawa along the river, and killed many of them. The Chawa realized their bad situation and fled back.

Reference:
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. CKH: The Chonicle of Khmer heroes, by Sot Eng
  3. CMC: The Chiang Mai Chronicle, by David K. Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo
  4. NC:The Nan Chronicle, Translated by Prasoet Churatana, Edited by David K. Wyatt
  5. LAO:History of Laos, Maha Sila Viravong, Translated by the U.S. Joint Publications research Service
  6. SIAM: Annales du Siam, Translated by Camille Notton
Notes:
  1. Chronology
    1239: Birth of Mangrai; 1253: Kublai Khan took control of Yunnan; 1259-1317: The reign of King Mangrai; 1287: Fall of Pagan to the Mongol; 1287: Mangrai, Ngam Muong, and Rama Kamhaeng formed the Tai Pact; 1291-92: Mangrai conquered Haripangjaya; 1328/9: Cao Kham Fu ruled Xiang-mai; 1350: Formation of Ayudhya; 1351: Formation of Lan-xang; 1368: The Ming drove out the last of the Mongolian court from Yunnan; 1384: The Ming Establish Yunnan as a province of China; 1442-1486: The reign of the Lao king Trilokaracha; 1471: Le Loi liberated Tonkin and attacked Champapura; 1551: The reign of King Mae Ku;
  2. Lanna-tai
    The association of Lanna to the Cham legacy of the Lam dynasty explains the connection claimed in the Lao tradition between Ayudhya, Xiang-mai and Lan-xang (LAO: The Lan-xang Kingdom: Footnotes: 25).
    In the legend of Khun Borom, the three countries of Lao, Thai and Xiang-mai were called under the terminology of Lan. Thus, the Lao country was called Lan-xang; Xiang-mai as Lanna, and the capital of Si-Ayudhya as Lan-phya.
    It indicates that the three locations had their past connected with the Lam dynasty of the Cham kings in Southeast Asia. As Lanna received its legacy from the queen Chamadevivamsa, Ayudhya was once a city ruled by the Chenla King Bhavavarman or Pya Krek and was known as Lan-pya, Lan-xang must to share the same Cham legacy. We have argued that the Lam Dynasty of the Cham (Champa) origin had played important role in the formation of the Angkorian Empire along with other dynasties of Kamara (Khmer) and western Kamboja (Tai) origins. This consortium in the leadership stratum however gave way to the identity confusion as Lanna is often referenced in modern Thai history as Lanna-tai. This connection with the Tai legacy once again was misled to support the claim that the people of the three locations were in fact of Tai stock.
  3. The Birth of the Tai nations
    The formation of the Tai Pact had induced scholars to postulate that the northern Siam countries were fighting for their independance which leaded to the misconception that the Tai people, inhabitant of both Lanna and Sokhothai, had always been sumitted to the Khmer people after the latter's arrival in the mainland Indochina. As much as we had argued that there were no Khmer people coming from India, we also argued that there were neither Tai people coming from China or Central Asia to inhabit Indochina. We shall argued that the Tai nationality was only formed later after the Mongol's incursion by new generation of Mien migrants from China looking to fit themselves in the new political arena of Southeast Asia.
  4. Mangrai vs the Mongol
    Wrongly identifying as Pa-pai-si-fu, scholars had postulated that Lanna had fought the Mongol as part of the Shan countries. The leadership of the three Shan brothers was also wrongly identified as Tai. Evidences show that under the control of Angkor, Pa-pai-si-fu or Muong Yang of Sip-son-pa-na fought against the Mongol' occupation while Lanna was at the contrary a close ally of the MOngols (The Fall of Nokor Thom: Notes: Pa-pai-si-fu).
  5. King Gnam Muang of Phyao
    As much as we know about the two first members of the Tai Pact, we have virtually no information about the background of King Gnam Muong. Northern Siam chronicles, having gone a great length to cover the origin of Mangrai and Ramakamheang, left Gnam Muang's past in the dark which leads us to believe that he was not local to the Siam country. At first, his title Ngam Muong does not sound like of northern Siam tradition. On the other hand, the name of his city Phyao also indicates a Burmese legacy of Pyuksettra. Contrary to general assumption by modern scholars that King Gnam Muoang was a local Siam king, indication shows instead that he was a Burmese King.
  6. The Buffalo Soup
    The Nan chronicle identifies her as the queen of Muang Pua named Ua Sim.
    On one occasion, while visiting King Ngam Muang, the queen of Maung Pua made a buffalo meat curry for the king. After having eaten the curry, the king said, in jesting manner, "Your curry was delicious, but it was a little watery". The queen of Maung Pua was highly offended, but kept it to herself. ( NC: Section 1: The formation of Muang Pua by the Phukha Dynasty: P. 4)
    The Chiang Mai chronicle, on the other hand, identifies her as the Queen Ua of Chiang Saen.
  7. The Legacy of Vijayapura
    The Vijaya's legacy was not local to Irrawati's regional tradition. On the contrary, it was well known of Sri Dharmaraja. The choice of Vijayapura as his capital tells us that the founder of Pinya, Tihathu and the three brothers had past legacy with Sri Dharmaraja. It is consistent with the fact that the three brothers were politically part of the Sri Vijayan side of Angkor (The Fall of Nokor Thom: The Mongol targeted Angkor: The Mongol took control of Rajapati).
  8. Tihathu vs Chao Pha Nong
    Connecting Tihathu to Chao Pha Nong requires serious adjustment of some historical facts about the Three Shan Brothers. First Chao Pha Nong was the third generation of Muang Pua Dynasty after his father Chao Kao Kua and his grandfather Chao Khun Fong. He married the queen Ua Sim in 1320 when king Gnam Muang was still alive. On the other hand, we had argued that the Three Shan Brothers were originated from Moung Phukha. Because they were more involved with Burma and the western Shan states, they left Muong Yang to Chao Kao Kua to take care.
  9. The Ancestors of Swa Sawke
    The governor of Prome, who forced his father, Narathipati, to take poison, was married to the only sister of the Shan brothers. A princess was born of that union and she later married a younger brother of Saw Hnit who was appointed governor of Thayetmyo by his father, Kyoswa, before he was deposed (BMA: Ava against Pegu; Shan again Mon).
  10. Phraya Ngam Muang of Piao
    At this late stage, it is unlikely that Phraya Ngam Muong of Piao was the same as the third member of the Tai Pact of the Mangrai era, but was a descendant of him. If this is the case, the legacy of the Pagan King Kiozwa II stayed at Piao while another branch, perhaps of Saw Hnit side, had already moved down to take the Angkorian throne. We know now how his legacy at Piao ended, destroyed by the Phraya Kham Fu of Lanna.