Dvaravati


Project: Dvaravati
Author: Lem Chuck Moth

Started date: August/01/2005
Last updated: March/31/2017
All right reserved.
Note:
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.



INTRODUCTION
The existence of Dvaravati is confirmed by a coin bearing "Lord of Dvaravati" found at Nakhon Pathon (Nokor Patham) south of Lopbori. Unlike other cities where the site could be located, Dvaravati was no where to be identified. In the record of Hiuan-tsang, a Buddhist monk who made a pilgrimage trip through the region at the fifth century, scholars found a reference to a locality named To-Lo-Po-Ti (Notes: To-Lo-Po-Ti as Dvaravati). From its location, mentioned to be located at the east of Sriksetra and at the west of Icanapura, scholars were readily taking it as a proof of Dvaravati's existence (ISSA: The Mon Kingdom of Dvaravati: The Dismemberment of Funan). Scholars then assumed that it was centered around Lopbori where the coin was founded. Indication however suggest that its actual site be instead located on a small island of the Praya River that was becoming the city of Sri Ayuthya. During the emerging of the Siam Country in the fourteenth century, the legacy sprung back in the Ayudhyan court. The city bore its official name as the "Dvaravati Sri Ajudya" until present day. Etymologically, Dvaravati (Dvara-vati) was meant to be the abode of the gates and was in close connection to Babylon that means in Semitic language the Gate of God. In its practical sense, it was the gate of Southeast Asia with the outside world through it connection with the South China Sea. Being part of Sri Dharmaraja, Dvaravati must to get its identity from the Naga's legacies of the Southeast Asian ParamKamboja Kings of the Menam Valley (Nagadvipa: The land of the Nagas). As part of the lowland of the Indochina mainland of today, Dvaravati along with other ancient communities of Kambojadesa (Funan), settled on a group of islands (Nokor Khmer: The Khmerization of Kamboja: The work of the Naga King). Along the sea-trade with Mesopotamia and the West, Dvaravati grew to become an important seaport of Southeast Asia (The Nagadvipa: The Land of the Nagas: The last of Mesopotamia's connection). In Buddha's time, Dvaravati was part of the kingdom of the Naga King Mahodhara and was in close connection to the Water or Sea Kingdom of Manipura. After the fall of the Hiong-Wang kingdom, Dvaravati became the kingdom of the Grand Kun-Lun where, according to the Arab 's account, the Kamara refugees made their final settlement.

The Cradle of the Khmer-Mon Civilzation
One important factor that makes Dvaravati stood out in the history of Southeast Asia was its association with Buddhism. It started since the Buddha's life time when the Mon tradition witnessed the trips of Buddha Gautama making peace between the two Naga's clans. Since Buddhism was implanted, the Naga people became devout Buddhist and their devotion became stronger through more Buddhist interference. As many other parts of the mainland Indochina, Dvaravati got its cultural boost after the arrival of Kaundinya from India. Due to the consortium between the Kamboja and the Khmer court, the Menam Valley became part of the Khmer Empire. Vestiges unearthed from the site show that Kaundinya Jayavarman brought the Theravati Buddhism into the region during the Khmerization that took place around the late fifth century (Nokor Khmer: The Siam Country: The Siam Kuti and Lawaratha). In the development, we have asserted that the Kaundinya court already made available the Pali canon for the general practice of Buddhism. The incorporation of Pali Language with Buddhism moreover rendered the Mon language to be rich in Pali based phenom. It explains the divergence of the Mon Language at the Menam Valley from the Sanskrit based Khmer Language of Prey-Nokor. It was the first cultural split so far known between the two societies as people (Notes: The Mon vs the Khmer People). The influx of Sakan aristocracy also brought another problem to the region. The Buddhist Kushans who, themselves derived from the Mauryans were trying to take full control of the lucrative seaport of the Southern Sea. In the attempt, they undermined the supremacy of the native Naga Kings who fought hard to protect their tradition and way of life. When the Guptas brought themselves up through clever manipulation over the Vakataka's court and extended their intrusion over Funan, the native naga houses soon saw themselves drawn into the new cosmic battle. Of Sivaite background, the Bharasivas and other naga communities saw theirs communities became more and more isolated under Vishnuism. Of both Buddhist and Vishnuite, the Kushans alienated against Sivaism. With their own drive against the Kushans, the Chenla kings started on destroying Buddhism and changed the Menam Valley into a Vishnuite community. The identity's change to become Raman (Mon people) gave the people of Dvaravti a different identity from their Khmer counterpart. Even after King Bhavavarman changed his mind to restore back Buddhism, the damage had already been done as the Ramana's legacy stayed to give the Mons their new Identity (Notes: The Dvaravati's Culture).

THE EXPLOIT OF WATER CHENLA
When Buddha Gautama conceived Buddhism, he foresaw that Nagadvipa was where his religion took hold. The spread of Buddhism apparently went well under the initiative of the naga kings. Even though slow, true conviction was what Buddha Gautama had in mind for the spreading of his religion. The advent of king Ashoka changed his devotion to Buddhism created a strong impact on the whole situation. In a short time, Buddhism was spread to all Southeast Asian communities and made it way to China. With such tremendous success, the Kushans started to use Buddhism for their own gain and glory. The forced conviction upset the hard core of the naga leadership who became rebellious not only to the Kushan cause, but to Buddhism as well. The Chenla uprising particularly impacted Dvaravati that was the seat of Buddhism during the reign of Jayavarman Kaundinya.

The Mon's Account of King Bhavavarman
We have argued that King Bhavavarman was actually the leader of the Chenla pact and his exploit was so extensive that no part of Funan was spared from his attack. His victory by all means allowed the Chenla Clan to promote the Vishnuite Cult back to a new high. By driving away the late Funanese court off the mainland, Bhavavarman imposed his Vishnuite zeal that changed the Menam Valley into becoming the Raman country. It is thus not a coincidence that the Mon people had a rich collection of his exploit. A passage of a Mon chronicle (Khmer-Kham: Chatra Premridi) attributed the founding of cities in the Menam Valley to king Pya kalavannatisaraja of Takkasila MahaNagara.
In 1002 of Budhhist Sakaraja (459 AD), the king Pyakalavannatisaraja, son of Pya Kakaphaktra, ruled over Takkasila Mahanokor. He commissioned his court to build the city of Lavo, taking 19 years to finish. After it was done, he commissioned the Pya to build other cities all over the places. They went on (to build) Dvarapuri, Santanaha, AChe, Kusamati ...
We shall identify Pya kalavannatisaraja of the passage as no other than the Chenla king Bhavavarman whose inscriptions and other sources confirm that he was the leader of the Chenla pact (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla Brotherhood: The Leader of the Chenla's Pact). As listed, the first city to be built was Lavo that took 19 years to complete. The next cities could be identified with Dvaravati and Santan-Naga of the Menam valley while Ache was the same as Atche of Sumatra. Kusamati (Sukumari in sanskrit) with Hangsavati of the Irrawaddy Delta. It is important to note that most of the cities were already been established during the Funan era if they had not been founded earlier. Except for Ache, they were well known as Buddhist centers of Southeast Asia. Their association to Pyakalavannatisaraja in the Mon tradition might mean instead his conquest and the conversion to Vishnuite after the attack. His campaign against Buddhism had been noticed in the record of a Chinese monk I-Tsing. On his pilgrimage to India in 671, I-Tsing stopped by South East Asia to investigate about the impact on Buddhist development during the Chenla uprising. He confirmed the thriving of Theravada Buddhism during the reign of Kaundinya who, as we had argued, formed the Khmer kingdom at Prey-Nokor. His successor who was the usurper of Prey Nokor throne, Rudravarman was a descendant of Ashoka and was also a Buddhist of Mahayana school. We can relate the event to the assault of Chenla over the Funan Empire and the "wicked king" was no other than the Chenla king Bhavavarman. After the Chenla uprising, I-Tsing's next remark reveals the actual grim picture of Buddhism at the region.
Later on, Buddhism flourished there, but a wicked king has now expelled and exterminated them all, and there are no members of the Buddhist Brotherhood at all, while adherents of other religions live intermingled. (RBR: A Record of Buddhist Practices: Introduction: P. 12)
With his devotion to Vishnuism, King Bhavavarman was determined to wipe out Buddhism from the Kamboja Kingdom. The Mon Tradition also has a clear recollection of a severe setback incurred to Buddhism under the rule of king Tisa of Takkasila whom drastic measure against Buddhism was no less wicked.
There was a king of Thaton named Kalavantisa; a group of Naga had persuaded him to destroy Buddhism. All Buddha images had been thrown in the river. There was a daughter of a wealthy family name Mith-Tho who was a devout Buddhist. Ignoring the king's order, she went on saving the Buddha images and kept them in her house. Accusing of violating the king order, she was sentenced to dead.
The passage indicates that king Kalavantisa was a king of Tathon, which the Mons considered as the birthplace of their country (The Ramana Desa: The Mon Countries: The Mons of Tathon and the "Talaing" Identity). As stated before, Pya Kalavantisa was identified as the Chenla King Bhavavarman who was at the time was ruling over Sri Dharmaraja and not at Tathon. As we shall see later, the heroine Mitt Tho was found to be actually a member of the ancient royal house of Lavo. It reflected that during his early rule at Sri Dharmaraja, Bhavavarman 's stance against Buddhism was harsh. In that regard, he was recognized by the Vishnuite community as their hero and his exploit was included in the last part of the Vishnu's Purana for commemoration.

The Purana's Account of King Bhavya
As we had seen, many aspects of Hindu pantheist materials were compiled in India. We know however that historical events taking place in those religious records were not all that Indian. Many were proved to be either of Middle Eastern or Southeast Asian origin. For instance, the Vishnu Purana includes an interesting account regarding the political establishment of king Bhavya (Bhava in Sanskrit) that scholars readily identified as no other than the Chenla King Bhavavarman.
The king of the name Bhavya reorganized his country into three divisions with the name of Jalaga, Kumara and Sukamara. The Vishnu Purana also mentions the three ranges of mountains Udayagiri, Syama and Astagiri and names the rivers Nalini, Kumeri and Sukumari. (HCamb, P.43)
Scholars found the account to be especially informative to shed light on king Bhavavarman's conquest westward. They agree that the geographical description in the account indicates the mainland of Southeast Asia as a whole and perhaps some part of India. The account divided the conquered territory into three parts. For easier identification, each part is provided with its own mountain range and river for reference. First, Jalaga is undoubtedly the corruption of the Sanskrit word "Jalasa" meaning water in a reference to the southern region of Funan that became known as the water Chenla. Mahidhara that had been known to be under the Gupta and Jayavarman Kaundinya's control was actually the first to be conquered. Its mountain range Udayagiri and its river Nalini appear to be the Kedah mountain range and the Chao Praya River of today. Due to its political connection with Funan, Deccan might have been attacked. The conquest itself might not all of Bhavavarman's personal exploit, but was a joint campaign with the Bharasiva naga clan of India. Some modern scholars believe that it was them, and not the Guptas, who fought against the Kushan and overthrew their power in India (AInd: The indigenous States in North India: Bharasivas: P. 128). The fact that they both derived from the Mauryans, we share the same believe that the Guptas did not fight off the Kushans. Furthermore, evidences show that the Guptas and the Kushans were politically close affiliated. At contrary, both were in the same target range of retaliation by the Bharasiva Naga clan. Through modern history, the Guptas were known to extend their control through peaceful alliance with the naga houses. Hard evidences also show that ruse and secret operation were also practiced. Samudragupta was known to exterminate nine Naga kings of the Padmavati consortium and that the Bharasiva Naga house was one of them. Perhaps through this maneuver that his son Chandragupta II became the ruler of Funan (The Indianization: The Rise of the Guptas: The Birth of the Gupta Empire). To appease the Vakataka court, he handed over his daughter Prabhavatigupta to Rudrasena II. More than a century later, another Kaundinya also received the hand of the Nagi Princess Kolabrabhavati from the Kambunaga king. By then, the Guptas were politically and military already on the decline. The attack of the Chenla kings, as we had seen, were actually targeting both the Khmer court of Jayavarman Kaundinya and the Mahidhara court of his father-in-law. The next region Kamara of the Vishnu Purana's list is on the other hand the reference to the Kamara kingdom of the ancient Hiong-Wang country. According to the Arab's account, the Kamara kings took refuge during their escape from the Hans to the city that we had identified as no other than the Khmer kingdom of Prey Nokor. Now becoming the seat of the Land Chenla court, it included a big part of the today's Lao country. Its mountain range Syama could be the reference of the Red-earth country that became since the identification of the modern Syam identity (Nokor Khmer: The Siam Country: The Syam Kuti and Lawaratha). On the other hand, the river Kumari could then be identified as the Mekong River. Referred in Chinese source as the small Kun-Lun kingdom, the Kamara or Khmer Kingdom was a joint venture with the Land Chenla clan and would be delegated later to Mahendravarman. After his death, his son Isanavarman controlled both the northern Siam country and Prey-Nokor that were originally parts of the Khmer Empire. Last and not least, the Mon's tradition refers Sukamari (Sukamati in the Mon's tradition) as the new founded kingdoms of Irrawati basin that was to become the seat of later Ramanadesa. The River Sukamari could then be the Irrawati River, but the Astagiri (Horse Mountain) however still needs to be identified. We thus conclude that the exploit of king Bhavya in the Vishnu Purana is actually a correlation to the exploit of the Chenla king Bhavavarman and his descendants. To commemorate the new line of kings, he established a new era at 638 AD as the Chola Sakaraja. In both Siam and Burmese Tradition, the Chola Sakaraja was observed faithfully indicating the continuance of the same line of kings extending their control from Lavo to Pagan.

The Absorption of Syam by Water Chenla
Before it was mentioned in the history of the Sui (589-618), Syam or the Red-earth country (Chih-Tu in Chinese text) appeared to have no mentioning in any past Chinese records. Its account in the history of the Sui started with the statement that Chih-Tu was a part of Funan (Funan: P. 272). It confirms that during the reign of Kaundinya Jayavarman at Lavo, Syam was taken under the control of the Khmer court of Lavo (Nokor Khmer: The Dependency of the Siam Country: The Conquest of Xiang Saen). Under the Khmerization that brought by Jayavarman Kaundinya, the Lua people were initiated to the Khmer Culture. Nevertheless, the Luas still retained theirs tradition in close connection their Tai leadership of the past. The next Chinese' account about Syam or the Red-earth country (Chih-Tu in Chinese), had a passage about a new relationship that was going to be formed with Water Chenla. As part of Funan, Syam's falling uner the conquest of Water Chenla was not a surprise. The Chinese account mentions about two diplomats, Tchan Sun and Wang Kiun Tching making their trips to the Syam country, apparently as guests in a ceremony to celebrate the inclusion of the northern Siam Country as part of Water Chenla. The accounts describe in detail the geographical and political settings of Indochina during the rising of the Chenla Empire at the beginning of the seventh century AD.
At the tenth month of the year 607, the two diplomats embarked with their entourage at the port of Nan-Hai. Propelled by a favorable wind they arrived, after twenty days, at Tsiao-Chi-Chan. From there, directing toward Southeast, they arrived at Ling-kia-po-pa-ta, an island with a temple on top of a mountain and that the western coast looks over Lin-Yi.
From the description we know that the Lingaparvata (Ling-Kia-Po-Pa-Ta) of the paragraph was located at the eastern seacoast of Indochina (ISSA: Map of Indochinese Peninsula: Ancient Place Names and Archeological Sites). Since it overlooked to the west Kauthara, we know that Kauthara was actually the center's city of Lin-Yi. From other sources we know that it was the sacrifice place when it was occupy by the Chenla court. It is important to note that during the time, both Champapura and Prey Nokor (Lin-Yi) were taken by Land Chenla and remained under its control until its fall. Sailing for two or three more days, they arrived at the southeastern tip of the mainland Indochina where located an island called Ki-long.
Continuing southward they arrived at Sse-Tse-Chi. Navigating in two or three more days they could see at the horizon the mountains of the kingdom of Lang-ya-siou. Having seen the mountains, the mission contoured at the south of the island of Ki-long and arrived finally at the shore of Tchih-Tu.
Ki-Long (the city of Naga) was more likely a Chinese reference to Angkorpuri but could covered up the entire Kamvata of the modern day Kampoat province. At that specific time, it was still mentioned as an island. After passing the contour south of the island (of Ki-Long) toward the west, they could see next the mountain range of Langkasuka (Lang-Ya-Siou). It was actually the range of mountains constituting Langkasuka down to the Kedah Mountain of the Malay Peninsular. The shore of Chih-Tu was mentioned to be the next stop. After landing, they were greeted by palace 's officials and proceeded to complete the rest of the trip by land, through elephant ride. Arriving at their destination, the two diplomats were welcomed warmly by the king and during a ceremony, the chief of Brahmans announced to them the declaration of Chih-Tu as part of Water Chenla.
We are not subjects to a small kingdom of Chih-Tu anymore, now we are subjects of a big Empire. This gourmet that we are offering for proof of our sympathy, should be consumed in honor of the grand Empire.
This declaration, as we shall see, marked the beginning of a new era of the mainland Indochina's history in the next development of its first Cakravatin Empire. Matounlin later re-assessed the event in the "Meridionaux" that in 650-656, Syam (Chih-Tu) was absorbed into the Chenla (Khmer) Empire (Camb: Le Siam Ancient: PP. 671-672). Its inhabitants have the same culture as of the court of the Huan, a Chinese reference to the Khmer Cakravatin Empire that was later established at Prey-Nokor (Lin-Yi).

THE LAST OF THE FALLEN FUNAN's COURT
The assault of Chenla, mighty as it was, did not annihilate completely neither the Funan nor the Khmer royal court of Kaundinya Jayavarman. At the contrary, we shall see the emergence of Modern Dynasties that were formed by the two fallen courts escaping the attack deeper and deeper into the southern sea. In their tradition and custom, we could detect specific traces that connected them with Southeast Asia. For the most part, the legacies of Varadhana from the fallen Hiong-Wang kingdom could be easily detected trough their crown title ending with the postfix "Varman". AS we shall see, the legacy would be seen next implanted in many royal courts of Southeast Asia and lastly at Angkor, when they came back to restore the Khmer empire. As we shall see, the Pallava court of South India and of the Sri Vijaya court of Southeast Asia were formed from the fallen court of Funan.

The Birth of the Pallavas
It is undeniable that South India had been civilized at least since the Sangum era. Little evidences however show that the cultural transition was carried directly from Northern India. Southern dynasties prior to the Sangam era were not members of the small Bharata family of Gangetic India, but belonged to the big Mahabharata family of Middle Eastern origin. Modern dynasties such as the Pallava and the Chalukya were in fact considered as strangers to South Indian royal houses. We shall argue instead that they were actually formed by the remnant of the Funan and Chenla courts after the cosmic war between them subsided. We shall first concentrate on the formation of the Pallava of Kanchipura and leave the Chalukya court to the section of Cho-Pa and Ho-Ling kingdom. We know from Indian history that the earliest attribution of the Pallava's existence as a Tamil country was around the second century BC.
The Pallavas are not referred to in the classical Tamil literature of the Sangam age, and are generally regarded as foreigners who immigrated into the Tamil land during the rule of Satavahana, probably as their governors or military officials. (AInd: South India: The Pallava)
Consistent with the history of Southeast Asia, the Kambojas were wandering in the Southern Sea long. They came through the arrival of the exile court of the Sri Vijaya and later through the expansion of Buddhism by the family members of King Ashoka. Nevertheless, evidences show that theirs existence as members of the Southern royal house of India was very much at later date.
The name of some early Pallava rulers like Simhavarman and Sivakandavarman are know from a few copperplate-charters, written in Pakrit and probably belonging to the third century AD. (AInd: South India: The Pallava)
The title SivaKandavarman, in particular, could be related to Skandacisya, mentioned to be the son of Aswataman (and the nagi queen) whom we had identified as king Hun-Tien of the Funan Empire (Kambuja Desa: The Funan court: King Hun Tien and the establishment of Funan). That could be the early ancestral lineage of the Pallava court when Aswataman still ruled the Menam Valley. Before they were driven out from Funan by the Chenla's uprising, evidences show that their residence was located on the Kedah mountain of Malaya and Ganthari was their new country founded as a reminiscence of Parthia (Nokor Khme: The Impact of Krakatoa: The Sea Trade Route). In that case, Skandacisya might have been related to king Mulavarman who left an inscription at Kotei that was dated at the beginning of the fifth century. Other inscriptions that were erected by king Purnavarman at the middle of the same century were found at western part of Java (ISSA: The Indianization: The First Evidence of the Indianization of the Farther India). They are evidences that Ganthari already extended itself to western Java and probably to South India where they established Kanchipura as a seaport to control the straight of Malaka. The Varman titles along with the Simha and Kanda's legacy are consistent with those of the Southeast Asian Funan court (Kamboja: The Kamboja Desa: The Varman legacy). In their own history, the Pallava's records show conflicts with older South Indian houses, especially the Pandyas. The Indian source indicates that their presence in South India was regarded by most as intruders. There were times that they were completely subdued but managed to recover in a short time later. The titles Narasimhavarman, Paramessvaravarman and Mahendravarman of the next Pallava Kings were, on the other hand common to the ParamKambojan legacy of Southeast Asia (The Nagadvipa: The Land of the Nagas: Sri Paramesvara). To sustain his kingdom, Narasimhavarman is said to have defeated the Cholas, Cheras and Kalabras. He gave shelter to a Ceylonese prince Manavarman and sent two naval expeditions to Ceylon to help him establishing the throne of that country. This southern development let us to believe that the Kambujan kings was strengthening its position to the south and appeared to be in conjunction to the final fall of the court of Jayavarman I at Ba-Phnom. From now on, Chinese source stopped mentioning about Funan altogether. At the same time, the Pallavas appears to hold another tradition that traces the origin of their race from their founder Nandivarman. His legendary birth from the marriage of a Cholean prince with a Nagi princess apparently mimic the Khmer legend of Prah Thong and Neang Nag (BEFEO XI: Etudes Cambodgienne: La legend de la Nagi, By George Coedes). The connection indicates that the newly formed Kanchipura court included many of the kaundinya and the Nagi princess family members.

The Sanjaya Dynasty
A Sanskrit inscription found in the central part of the Island of Java among the ruins of the Sivaite sanctuary of Changal, was an attribution to the king Sanjaya. The inscription mentions the erection of a linga on the island of Yava around 732 AD. Described to be rich in grain and gold mines, the country of Kunjarakunja appeared to be located between Travancore and Tinnevelly, the site of the sanctuary dedicated to the sage Agastya. In Indian Tradition, the sage was credited to conquer the natural barrier of the Vindya mountain range and in the process bring along the new development of the Sivaite culture to the South. To pass through the natural barrier, he tricked the mountain range to let him pass to the South and promised to never return again. This folk tale tells us one way or another that the Vidhya range had been longs an obstacle for the Aryan Culture to reach South India. To explicit the reality behind the myth, the Vakataka's account about its first founder Vindhyasakti might shed some light to the early establishment of the new Deccan powerhouse. It was not the natural barrier that prevented the flow of cultural transfer from the north to to south, but the political separation between the two regions. While the north was considered as part of the Aryavata, the south had always been part of the Mahabharata and until recently was known as the ream of ocean naga clan of Mahodhara. The fall of the Hiong-Wang kingdom however changed the whole of political background of the region. Under the Han attack, the Kun-Lun people were seen wondering down south and according to Chinese source, the Malay Archipelago became the seat of the Grand Kun-Lun people. As noted by the Arab 's account, theirs kings stayed at Komiriyya where they regrouped themselves agains the Han's intrusion and at the same time freed themselves from theirs control. The emergence of Virapura to become the center of the small Kun-Lun or Khmer court of Prey-Nokor was where the Tsu Dynasty was taking refuge with the mountain Naga King Coladhara. The emergence of the Vakataka court of Deccan to become the center of the Grand Kun-Lun led us to believe that it was actually where the fallen Tchou dynasty was taking refuge under the protection of the Ocean Naga King Mahodhara. At the same time, After the Guptas took controls of both the naga courts, Gumbudvipa became whole. As the sea communication between the Javanese and the South Indian continent was very much established, we had seen that king Fan Man already extended the Funan 's frontier to cover most of Southern sea's islands. There are strong evidences that during the time, Funan had made a pact with the native court of Prey-Nokor in fighting aginst Chinese incursion (Prey Nokor: The Fall of the Hiong-Wang Kingdom: The Fight for Independence ). The consortium however met its first setback when Chandragupta I extended the Gupta controls over the Naga territory. In the maneuver, evidences show that a policy had been set by the Gupta court against opponent naga courts that were not of Vishnuite conviction. The presence of the sage Agustya in Java probably dated back from the time that Samudragupta consolidated the Gupta power over Vakataka's court by subduing the Sivaite stronghold naga house from north India. As Chandraguta II extended the Vihnuite conviction to the Vakataka court, the Sivaite schools displacement to Java was not a coincidence. Inscriptions refer two royal figures of the name Sanna and Sannaha as predecessors of Sanjaya. According to Javanese Tradition (History of Indonesia, B. R. Chatterji), Sanna and Sannaha were brother and sister, Sanjaya was the son of Sannaha. Connecting with the Khmer court of Ba-Phnom, the daughter of Jayavarman I, queen Jayadevi mentioned in one of her inscriptions about donations to a sanctuary of Siva Tripurantaka. This sanctuary was founded by the princess Sophajaya, also a daughter of Jayavarman I who married the Sivaite Brahman Sakravarmin born in India. It is in high probability that this Sivaite Brahman was connected to the sage Agastya who became known as the Sivaite Guru of both South India and Java. This new development that was credited to the sage Agastya in spreading the first time of Sivaite culture in South India was strongly seen as a contributing factor to the emergence of the Sivaite community in Central Java. On the other hand, Sanjaya might have been related to the queen Jayadevi who was portrayed as queen Sima (Soma ?) in a Chinese account.
The ruler of Ta-Tche sent a bag of gold to be laid down within her frontiers. The people, walking by, avoided the bag and it was untouched for a long time. One day, one of the crown princes stepped over it and the queen was furious. She ordered to have her own son executed, but with the objection of her court, a compromise was set to just cut off the toe that touch the bag of the gold.
The story portrays a provocation orchestrated by the kingdom of the Great Kingdom (Ta-Tche) which was no other than a Chinese reference to new formed Malayu kingdom under the control of Water Chenla.

The Rise of the Sri Vijaya
We have the reason to believe that by this time, the last Khmer court of Ba-Phnom had joint the Sanjaya court during theirs escape south (The Chenla Empire: The Fall of Funan: The Last of the Khmer Court). Apparently Dhruvapura that was mentioned to be theirs destination was actually located at Java. The Chinese account of the queen Sima, apparently ruling over the Khmer colony of Dhruvapuri in 674, becoming subject to Ta-Tche's harassment indicates the control of Malayu by Water Chenla and its hostile policy against the new Khmer refugee court from Ba-Phnom. Through her determination, she won respect from Ta-Tche and her tenacity had led to the formation of the Sri Vijaya house by consorting with the SanJaya court of Java. Evidences shows that the Buddhist center of Sri Vijaya already been founded during I-Tsing' visit. With the consortium of the Sanjaya's court at northern Java, evidences show the fallen Funan court at Kanchi built the Buddhist center at the east coast of Sumatra, in the region of Jumbi (ISSA: The Rise of Sri Vijaya: The Beginning of the Kingdom of Sri Vijaya: p.81). The identification is fairly accurate according to the extension of the Funan Empire to Ganthari that was done prior to the Chenla's uprising. It is also interesting to note that Jumbi (a Khmer word for a flower tree known in Sanskrit as Kamboja) was the representation of the Kambojan kings of Day Desa. The rest of information about the Sri Vijayan court is from the records of I-Tsing. The practice of Buddhism impressed him so much that he advised his associate Chinese monks to stop first at Sri Dharmaraja to learn the rules before they proceeded to India.
In the fortified city of Fo-shih, there are more than a thousand Buddhist priests whose minds are bent on study and good works. They examined and study all possible subjects exactly as in Madhyadesa; their rules and ceremonies are identical with those in India. If a Chinese priest wishes to go to the west to understand and read [the original texts] there, he would be wise to spend a year or two in Fo-shish and practice the proper rules; he might then go on to central India. (RBR: General Introduction: Life and Travel of I-Tsing: P. XXXIV)

I-Tsing himself stopped at Sri Dharmaraja and stayed for six months to study Sanskrit grammar. Only after completing his study that he continued his pilgrimage to India. During that time, he must to learn that the two Buddhist centers were culturally and politically closely connected. After ten years at the University of Nalanda, he returned back to spend four more years at Sri Dharmaraja. Between 685 and 689 AD, he spent most of his time to copy and translate Buddhist texts from Sanskrit to Chinese. He brought all his translated Buddhist collection to China in 689, to distribute them Chinese Buddhist institutions. He soon returned back to Sri Dharmarja to start on his own project. With four of his collaborators, I-Tsing worked on compiling commentaries about the Buddhist practices in Sri Vijaya. In his records, he conveys that the teaching of both Hinayana and Mahayana sects of Buddhism was available at Sri Dharmaraja with the same credential as of India. I-Tsing also noted that the Kun-Lun (Pali) language was also available for the practice of the Hinayana Buddhism. The circumstances that allowed Buddhism to flourish again at the heart of the Sri Vijaya was obviously due to the joint venture of the last Khmer court and the Mahodhara court of Funan. In a greater consortium, the two courts combined their strength to stop the Chenla's aggression altogether and gave Buddhism the opportunity to thrive one more time. Nevertheless, the success story would not be complete without the presence of the Sailendra dynasty in the joining effort to promote Buddhism. As noticed in the Pallava court, the next King Narasimhavarman II at Kanchi (695-722) appeared to have no or little connection with Mahendravarman whose reign at Kanchi started after the Chalukya's invasion. His reign coincided instead with the disappearance of Sri Nara or Simhanara from Nan Tchao who, in hight probability was his immediate ancestor. After its fall, the Buddhist court of Simhanara left Nan-Tchao and joined in the Khmer consortium to withstand the last attacks of the Vishnuite Cham's consortium. After subduing Mahendravarman, Narasimhavarman II apparently became a member of the Sri Vijaya court. His predecessor, Paramaesvara, could also be attributed to the new development of Khun Borom in Nan-Tchao that we had argued was from the court of the Khmer King Rudravarman of Prey-Nokor. Through the Sailendra, the Sri Vijaya court might already made alliance with the Pala of North India during the late stage of king Paramesvaravarman at Kanchi. Their contribution to the future formation of Angkor was confirmed by the presence of the God King Paramesvara, consecrated later to the founder of the Angkorean Empire, King Jayavarman II.

THE MALA KINGS OF MALAYU
One among many enigmas of compiling the history of Southeast Asia was the Chinese claim that Chenla was actually the preceptor of the Khmer empire itself (The Chenla Empire: Introduction). It contrasts the Khmer tradition that its formation was actually done by a peaceful accord (between Kaundinya and the naga king) through the marriage of Kaundinya and the nagi princess. The advent of Chenla becoming the Khmer Empire was at the contrary, full of commotion. It started with the Chenla's uprisings and the hard fall of Funan under the bloody battles by both Water and Land Chenla. Nevertheless, we shall see a circumstance that played important role in the conversion of the Chenla King into a Buddhist devotee and the turn-around of the Chenla's battle against the Khmer Empire. Known as the Mala Kings, Bhavavarman and his descendants joined in the Khmer consortium and became actively involved in the next foundation of the Angkorean Empire.

The Birth Place of the Ketomala kings
Malayu appeared at the first time in Chinese record in 644-45, sending its first embassy to the Tang court (DICI: P. 324). As indicated by its embassy to China, the Malayu's identity appeared in Chinese record right after the fall of Funan. I-Tsin listed it as an island of the Southern Sea right before Shih-Li-Fo-Shish (RBR: General Introduction: Notes on some Geographic Names: The Islands of the Southern Sea: p. XXXIX). Scholars were locked into believing that they were the same countries while in reality, they were two different countries during the visit of I-Tsing at Sri Dharmaraja. This view was due primary to the fact that Malayu was considered as the progenator of Malaysia to day. We shall argue that at the start of its formation, Malayu was not the same as Malaysia of today and worst yet was politically in conflict with the Sri Vijaya. To start, the inscription of Han-Chey furthermore commemorated Bhavavarman as a Mala King of Malayu (The Chenla Empire: Notes: The Commemoration of Bhavavarman), confirming that he was actually the progenator of Malayu. During Bhavavarman's early conquest, we know that the Mahidhara court of Kedah and the Khmer court of Lavo were both subjugated under Water Chenla and received its name as the country of the Mala Kings. Its first embassy that was sent to the Chinese court of the Tang dynasty in 644-45 was actually sent from Water Chenla's court. In that note, we could identify that the direct descendants of king Bhavavarman who were actually the Mala kings of Kedah, became known later in Khmer tradition as the Ketomala kings. They were famous for the construction of stone temples during the Angkorean era (The Making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Ketomala Dynasty: The Legend of Prah Ketomala and Visnukarman). As we shall see they were the next of kin to the Deva Dynasty of King Jayavarman II. It is said that they had a specific custom of identifying themselves with flower (mala), especially the lotus (Botum or Padma) flower. The custom became later their trademark as they became known also in Khmer tradition to be members of the BotumSurya lineage. In his everyday' s life, it is said that the king wore a garland of flowers as part of his hairdressing presentation to the court. The word "Malayang" (Mala-yang), meaning the Mala Kingdom, was later mentioned in many Khmer inscriptions as a visaya (an annexed country) of the Angkorean Empire. Scholars referred it as a locality at the southwest of the Battambang province while it was actually meant to be the whole of Sri Dharmaraja (Sri Bhoja in Chinese text). As we shall see, the Ketomala lineage was the next Khmer dynasty after the Devavamsa to rule Angkor (The Making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Ketomala Dynasty: The Legend of Prah Ketomala and Visnukarman). Its origin was quoted in Khmer tradition to be closely connected with Lord Indra who became a great supporter of Buddhism. In Buddhist Tradition, MalaIndra was often used as a reference to the Greek monarchs who through contact with Buddhism brought its philosophy and rationality to be implanted in Greece. Connecting to the history of the west, they were actually the early members of the Minoan family of Crete who after the fall of the Shang Dynasty of China brought the Zeus (Indra) mythology to settle on mount Olympus. During the rise of the Han dynasty of China, the influx of more Cham aristocracy in India created a political instability that drove the Funan Empire to fall. In that regard, the Chenla's uprising was nothing less than a cosmic battle between Buddhism and Zoroastranism. While the Kushan took over China, the fallen Cham court rallied themselves behind the Chenla kings to fight off the Kushan legacy in Southeast Asia. It is important to note that during the early phase of the Chenla uprising, the Water Chenla rulers were anti-Buddhist. Nevertheless, an unexpected change of events reversed completely the course of the Water Chenla's campaign. As we shall see, circumstances had turned the water Chenla line of kings into devout Buddhist and stopped theirs destructive campaign against the Buddhist consortium of the last Khmer Empire. Along with their new faith, the Water Chenla Kings who were descended from Bhavavarman I started on restoring the fallen Khmer court and turned against the Land Chenla former alliance. The New history of the Tang confirms that between 689 and 692, Malayu became part of Shih-Li-Fo-Shish (ISSA: The Dismemberment of Funan: p. 80). The massive campaign of the Sri Vijaya could have been a factor in changing the course of event of Southeast Asia. However, the fact that they joined force with the Sri Vijaya to actively fighting against the Cham kings led us to believe that the absorption was not done by conquest. The Mon tradition appeared to convey that Water Chenla submitted itself to the Sri Vijaya not by the latter' s military force, but instead by King Bhavavarman's change of mind about Buddhism.

The Reverse Campaign of Water Chenla
As the capital of the Khmer Empire where resided the Kaundinya court, Lavo was the first target of the Chenla's attack. It was the first in the Mon's list of the cities to be built or (more correctly speaking) reconstructed Pya Kalavantissa. The fact that it received the name of Bhavapura indicates that it was the city that Bhavavarman took control and turned it into the capital of the Water Chenla. It is important to note that Water Chenla's leadership left not much information about themselves to specifically identify each one of them separately. Our reference to Bhavavarman here might not be the same as the first Chenla King Bhavavarman I, but a common reference to one of his descendants that migh applies circumstantially to the event. This is because that we have no list of his immediate descendants who used the same title as their crown name. We know from inscriptions that were left after the fall of Funan that there was at least Bhavavarman II who continued the work of his father. Continuing on the Mon story of Buddhism's persecution, it was at Lavo that Bhavavarman met and married the heroine Mitt Tho whose wit and courage saved Buddhism from total inhalation. The Mon Tradition claims that because she was of high merit, she did not die by the execution as it was ordered by the king. No matter which way he tried, the executioner was not able to kill her. In frustration, the king asked if she knows of any magic when inquiring on her ability to escape death. She replied that the only magic that she knows is her belief in Buddha's teaching. Recognizing his mistake, the king freed Mith-Tho and after marrying her, converted himself to Buddhism. Due to the lack of information, it is impossible to verify the Mon's legend as based on real fact or fiction. Nevertheless, the change of policy from Vishnuite to Buddhism and the joining with the Sri Vijaya to fight against the Land-Chenla tell us one way or the other that a similar event of the Mon's legend must to take place in the court of Bhavavarman. To recall back, Buddhism had always been present in the royal house of Lavo since its formation by king Shreatavarman who was a member of the Mauryan Dynasty. Kaundinya also was known to bring Buddhism to a new high and for Bhavavarman to enforce a crack down on Buddhist practice, his campaign was for sure met with resistance. Evidences moreover show that the royal family of Shrestavarman was particularly strong in supporting Buddhism and that the heroine Mitt Tho of the Mon's account who went out her way to save the Buddha's image was actually a member of this royal house. From the inscription of Ta-Prohm (BEFEO VI: The Inscription of Ta-Prohm, st. IX: p. 71, by George Coedes), we have the confirmation that Bhavavarman married a member of the Kambojan king Shrestavarman's royal line named Kambojarajalaksmi. Her commemoration as Kambojarajalaksmi (the Laksmi of Kamboja king) tells us, one way or another, about her important role in the reign of her king. In conjunction to Mon's legend of Mitt Tho, it was through her influence that Bhavavarman converted himself to Buddhism and furthermore changed the course of the Chenla development. The marriage also explains to us that his descendants would now become part of the Anuruddha's lineage of the Shrestapura's house of Lavo. Another important development was that after the marriage, Water Chenla's political standing toward the Kambojan and Khmer Empire had changed. Bhavavarman would align himself with the ousted Kaundinya court of the last Khmer Empire to restore back the Buddhist consortium of Southeast Asia. As we shall see, Dvaravati was going to become the launching ground of the next Khmer Chakravatin Empire. To fit into the Cakravatin Sangrila, we shall see that Dvaravati split itself into two states that would become two cardinal states of Angkor. While the lower Menam Valley was included in the Buddhist State of Sri Dharmaraja, the Siam country of Xiang-Mai became the seat of a mix cultural development of the Siva-Buddhism practice that became the core of the Devaraja cult of Angkor. Lavo or Bhavapura was later known in Khmer inscriptions as part of Aninditpura where the early court of Jayavarman II was originated (Xiang-Mai: The Cradle of the Angkorean Empire: Aninditapura as the birthplace of the next Angkorean power elite). It is important to note that during all these developments, the Land Chenla and the Chams continued to fight against Buddhism and strengthened their holding of the Kambojan territory through out the descendants of Mahendravarman. It is clear now that the two Chenla courts, each under its own religious believe, had turned to become antagonistic toward each other. It was confirmed in the history of the Tang Dynasty (DIC I: p. 211) that the two factions were politically spitting.
Chenla was split in two kingdoms, shortly after the period Chen Long (705-706 AD) called Lou-Chenla (Land Chenla) and Choui-Chenla (Water Chenla).
The split along the geographical landscape of the two kingdoms reminds us of the pre-historical feud between the mountain kingdom of the Naga king Coladara with the ocean kingdom of the Naga king Mahodara. It also leads us to believe that Lou-Chenla and Choui-Chenla were the reminiscences of the kingdoms of both Naga dynasties.

Anuruddha and the Pyu Kings
King Bhavavarman was known in the Mon Tradition as Pya Kalavanntisa and was known to the Khmer tradition as Pya Krek. The Khmer-Mon word "Pya" was a transcription of the word "Pyu" also known in Chinese source as Piao. Supposedly descended from AShoka's son, Piao-sui-ti, the Pyu kings were among earlier Sakyan kings to move into Southeast Asia and were responsible for the early spread of Mahayana Buddhism in the region. His strong presence in Upper Burma resulted in his name becoming the second identity of upper Burma (The Sakadvipa: The Mauryan Expansion: The Mauryan and the Spread of Buddhism). The same as the Jin and the Saka leadership, the Pyu kings claim their kinship with Buddha Gautama; a claim that could be validated through the Sakyan lineage. Of Buddhist background, they aligned themselves with the Sri Vijaya and under the Gupta legacy, supported the khmer consortium of Kaundinya. By the third century, the Chinese entered into contact with the kingdom of Piao (Notes: The Kingdom of Piao) that was actually a Chinese reference to Burma. Conforming to their own standard of referencing a country by its ruler, Chinese courts referred Burma as the Kingdom of King Piao-Sui-ti or in a short form, the kingdom of Piao. The misconception happened when Chinese source mentioned about the Pyu communities (Pyuksettra) formation along the Irrawaddy Basin of which scholars mistakenly attributed as the kingdom of the Pyu tribesmen (Notes: The Pyu Tribesmen). It misled scholars to postulate that the Pyus were actually the native tribesmen of Burma. The migration of the Buddhist Pyu tribesmen (in confusion with the Miens) was just an illusion of the Pyu kings' settlement among the Barma tribesmen along the Irrawadi Basin (ISSA: The Dismembement of Funan: The Pyu Kingdom of Sri Kshetra: P. 77). In reality, it was the Buddhist legacy that was inherited from the Mauryan court of king Piao-suit-ti and to some extend, from the Gupta court of king Chadragupta II that took hold over the Irrawadi Basin during the early Indianization of Southeast Asia. Consistent with the introduction of Theravata Buddhism in Southeast Asia by Kaundinya during the fifth century, the presence of Pali language in many inscriptions of Burma proves the connection of Pyuksettra with either the Gupta court of Maghadha or the Kaundinya court of Prey Nokor. During the Chenla uprising that impacted all Southeast Asian Buddhist communities of the time, these Pyu communities appeared to be gone, giving the wrong impression that the Pyu communities vanished suddenly into the thin air. As we had seen, it was King Bhavavarman who initiated the transplantation of the Rama (Mon) identity upon the people of the Menam Valley. His descendants by the name of Anuruddha, reversed his policy and restored back Buddhism to the Mon people. By building the lower part of the Menam Valley into becoming the Buddhist center of Sri Dharmaraja (Xiang-Mai: The Chenla's connection: The work of Anuruddha). By transforming the Irrawadi Basin into the next Buddhist center of Rammanadesa, they were perceived by modern historians as the true rejuvenator of the Pyu Race. Like his ancestor Bhavavarman, there is no list of kings who were actually belonged to Anuruddha line of king. For that reason, we shall continue to refer him circumstantially as a person the same way that his ancestor Bhavavarman was referred to. It is important to clarify that ancient Pyu communities were not all Buddhist as they were not part of Anuruddha new development. Through isolation, mountainous Mien tribesmen were mostly left out and still retained their tradition in close connection with the original and non-Buddhist Sri Vijayan and Mauryan leadership (Notes: The Karen and the Kayin). As to his connection with the Pyu lineage of kings, evidences show hardly that Bhavavarman was actually of Kushan blood. Instead evidences show that he received the title through his marriage with the princess Kambujarajalaksmi who was a member of the Shrestavarman house of Lavo. Nevertheless, their descendants were in a true sense Pyus as they were assimilated into the Anuruddha lineage to take the leading role in the next expansion of Pali version of the Buddhist canon. Under their rule, Sri Dharmaraja became the melting pot for the seamless mixture of the ancient Khmer, Kambujan and the Pyu legacies into becoming the members of the Sri Vijayan Court. It was the new Anuruddha lineage that restored Pyuksetra of the Southern Pyu Kings to be part of Ramanadesa during later development. Evidences show that the word "Pya" and "Pon-gna" became a reference to the Pyu ruler as witnessed by inscriptions found in the Menam Valley (Notes: The Title Pon-gna). In Post-Angkorean era, Pon-gna became a Khmer Title of court officials up to the King himself who, as we shall see, had past connection with Burmese court. In later development, we shall see that both Water and Land Chenla had important role to play in the identity change of the Buddhist Dvaravati into the Vishnuite Ramavati that gave the people of the Menam Valley their Mon identity (The Ramana Desa: The Mon Countries: The Mons of Hamsavati). Tapped on top of their traditional Buddhist heritage, the Vishnuite cult gave the Mons their unique identity that started to set them apart from their Pyu compatriots.

THE LAST OF THE CHENLA CONSORTIUM
After Funan reestablishing itself in Kanchipura, the new Sri Vijayan court restarted its Buddhist center right at the confluence of southern sea route. I-Tsing who at his early stop at Ba-Phnom witnessed the downturn of Buddhism at Funan stopped by Sri Dharmaraja to take care of his religious work for China. In his records, Apparently he was very much absorbed by his religious work to notice that the court of the wicked king who had destroyed Buddhism at Ba-Phnom was still very much active in fighting against the Buddhist center of Sri Vijaya. To his delight, I-Tsing lived to witness the absorption of Malayu where the Water Chenla kings were residing by the Sri Vijaya. What he might not know was that the Buddhist Sri Vijayan court was going to be strongly challenged by the Cham communities of India.

The Chalukyas of South India
In a close connection with Middle Eastern development, we saw that Indian history started its debut with the emergence of king Manu Vaisvasvata, establishing his own legacy in the Gangetic India (The Western Civilization: The Impact of the Kala YUga: The Harrian and the Hittie). It was actually a new generation of Indian royal houses that were formed more or less by his descendants under the suzerainty of the Surya's lineage that was descended directly from king Manu Vaisvasvata. One of them was centered at the city named Champavati of the ancient naga ream of Vanga. Under these circumstances, it is undeniable that Champapura of Prey-Nokor was just a reminiscence of Champavati of Vanga, founded by members of the Cham court. The inscription of Mi-son erected by the Cham King Prakacadharmma-Vikrantavarman in 658 AD confirmed his lineage from a king Gangaraja who was apparently residing at the Gangetic India (BEFEO IV: Notes D' Epigraphie: Les inscriptions de Mi-son: pp. 918-925, By M.L. Finot). The family connection explained to us that during the Chenla campaign, many of the Chams took residency at Gangetic India to escape the Khmer attack. The findings would shed some light to the emergence of the Chalukyas whose presence in the modern history of India was full of enigmas in regard to their origin. According to their tradition, they claim that they were originated from north India and claimed to rule over Ayudhya for a pretty long time. From the claims, we know that they were descended from the ancient Cham royal house of Champapvati. Their new history started when one of their chiefs, Pulakesi, carved a small principality around Vatapipura about 540 AD. Pulakesi was known to practice the Asvamedha and other sacrifices that were traditionally performed through Vishnuite cult, all over India at the time. His succeeding sons continued his work to carve out more territory from neighboring states. The elder son Kirtivarman (566-597) defeated the Kadambas and annexed part of theirs territory. He also defeated the Mauryas and the Nalas, ruling respectively over Konkas of the north and Bellary and Kurnool in the south. He was also credited to conquer Bengal and Bihar in the north and Chola and Pandya in the south. The younger brother Mangalesa also defeated the Kalachuria. Rivalry between the two brothers however causes Mangalesa to be killed and brought down the kingdom. It is interesting to note that Kirtavarman bore a "varman" title and that his extensive campaign was conducted at the same time of the Chenla's uprising. The fact that both Kirtavarman and Bhavavarman were of the same Cham background and to the most extend of close family tie, leads us to believe that theirs campaign were coordinated. The finding confirm to us that the Chenla brothers, Bhavavarman and Mahendravarman, did not fight Funan alone, but with the support from the Cham aristocratic communities of both Southeast Asia and Gangetic India. The fall of the Land Chenla at Ba-Phnom and the new development in north India of Harsha-Varadhana appeared to create a set-back for the overall Cham 's campaign. The Chalukyas were themselves pushed from North India to the south. The son of Kirtivarman, Polakesi II (610-11 AD) however fought to regain the dominion of his father back and according to Huang-San 's account, Harsha-Varadhana was later defeated by him. The development might shed some light to the fall of the Land Chenla back in the mainland Indochina. After the attack by the Khmer court of Jayavarman I, we know nothing more of the fate of Isanavarman I after his settlement at the mount ByangKau (The Chenla Empire: The Fall of Funan: The Last Funan king Jayavarman I). We know however from the inscription of Ang-Chumnick, that his reign at Ba-Phnom ended in 635 AD. In deciphering the inscription, scholars made an interesting discovery that the charactors used in the inscription were very much the same one that were used in the most ancient stone inscription of Dekkan Meridional (JAISC: Inscription of Ang-Chumnik: pp. 195-196). They were actually engraved in the temple of Badami, of Aihole and of Pattadaka during the early formation of the Chalukya's court. The finding led us to believe that the fallen Land-Chenla court came to joint the Chalukyas at Deccan and re-strengthen their position against the Sri Vijaya pact. While the Pallavas extended its Buddhist expansion down to Ceylon, the western Chalukyas took the opportunity to expand its own frontier against Kanchipura. Helped by the Gangas of Mysore and the Pandias of the south, they invaded the Pallava Kingdom and the next king of Kanchipura Mahendravarman II (668-70) appeared to be one of them. While the fight between the Cham and the Khmer consortiums continued, Kanchipura appeared to change its ruler according to the outcome of the fight. The reign of the next king known as Rajasimha who was the son and successor of Paramesvaravarman appears to be uneventful. However his son and successor, King Paramesvara II (723-731) had to face with a Chalukya invasion again over the city of Kanchi. During the rule of the next king Dantivarman (796-840) the Pallava suffered attacks from both the Pandya in the south and the Rastrakuta from the north.

Cho-Po and the Ho-Ling Kingdom
While Water Chenla was able to stand its ground at Mahidhara court, the Land Chenla was gradually driven out by the last Khmer court (of Jayavarman I). From his refuge camp at Nokor Rajasima (What Phu of the Khorat Plateau), Jayavarman he chased down the court of Isanavarman I to the south and settled himself on the throne of Ba-Phnom. During the time, Chinese court started to record the emergence of Cho-Pa and Ho-Ling sending embassies to China. Chinese records confirm that the Chinese court receive the embassies of Ho-Ling in 649 or 648, in 666, 767, 768, 813 or 815,818. Scholars had been locked in debate to identify the two countries and theirs political affiliation. The dilemma was that Chinese records show no consistency in the location of their court and worst yet information provided appeared to be unreliable and lack of precision. In that situation, we believe that the two courts were not established in any country. but were transient and moved among friendly courts of both southern and northern India. As Cho-Po was already known to be a Chinese reference to Champapura, Ho-Ling that was used as its alternate reference must to have close historical connection with it. The Chinese word Ho-Ling (the River of Reed), is the exact translation of the Khmer word "Stung-Treng" that is referring to local rivers (of northeastern part of Cambodia today) that end its course into the Mekong River. Our assumption is that it was at the time used as a indigenous reference to the Land Chenla country of Isanapura. After the pullout of the Khmer court from Ba-Phnom by Water Chenla, Isanavarman apparently moved to restore back Isanapura. The recovering of the new Tang court in 7 apparently gave him enough support to settle his court back in Isanapura. Nevertheless he would face with attacks from the Nan-Tchao court of Sri Nara. Evidences of repetitive attacks by Nan-Tchao had been noticed by Chinese court for the rest of their hold-up at Stung-Treng (Xiang-Mai: The Sakan Mythology: The Attack of the Man Rebels). Even though the Man attacks failed to accomplish their goals, they nevertheless forced the Chenla and the Cham kings to adopt an extreme measure for better protection. While the hard core of both courts stayed to defend the country, evidences show that other members were residing abroad for safety and to take care of foreign affairs. For diplomacy purpose, they used their indigenous name to make political connection with the Chinese Court. The new history of the Tang gave out yet another conflict of information about Ho-Ling's exact location.
The country (Ho-Ling) is at the south of To-Mo-Tchang , and is said to be dependent of South India; it also known to be coast to coast with the Campa of India, which is at the shore of the Gange. (FUNAN: Le Funan: P 298)
To recall back, To-Mo-Chang was the same reference to To-Mo, the Funan capital that we had identified as Mahidhara of the Kedah Mountain. Ho-Ling was mentioned to be at the south of To-Mo-Chang (Kedah) that was Java itself. Nevertheless, we agree with some scholars that Ho-Ling was not always been at Java. As indicated in the passage, it was located at first coast to coast across the old city of Champavati that was actually known as the stronghold of the Cham kings in India. Champapura of Prey Nokor was on the other hand a replica of Champavati of the Gangetic India where the Cham Kings of Southeast Asia resided. With that past connection, we believe that the fallen courts of Land Chenla and Champapura Were at first taking refuge with the Vishnuite courts of northern India that were centered at Champavati but along the way moved into other locations depending upon their campaign's situation. In the next section, we shall argue for a close connection between the two refugee courts and the emerging Chalukya consortium of South India. Only after the Chalukyas fought and succeeded to take over Kanchipura from the Pallavas that both Cho-Po and Ho-Ling also moved their courts to Java. Before that, we know that Java was the seat of the Sanjaya and the Khmer refugee court from Ba-Phnom making their consortium to fight off the Chenla uprising. Score of both Sivaite vestiges at Bramhbanan site and Buddhist vestiges that included the famous Buddhist Boropadur monument were left to witness the formation of Siva-Buddhism Cult that was going to become the state religion of the next KHmer court. Evidences moreover show that the Khmer court was already on its way to claim back Prey Nokor and with the support of both Sri Vijaya and Sanjaya, established the next Khmer cakravatin empire leaving Java under the whole control of the Cham kings. After the settlement, evidences show that the new Javanese rulers did not forget their past claim over the mainland during the Chenla era. Inscriptions of both Java and Champapura later described the naval attacks orchestrated by the Javanese court making its suzerainty felt along the eastern coast of Indochinese Peninsula. According to an Arab story, this campaign was conducted in retaliation to the insult of a young Khmer king against his antagonist Zabag's monarch (Xiang-Mai: The Water Chenla's Connection: The Reconstruction of the Khmer Empire at Prey Nokor).

The Formation of the Khmer Consortium
While the Chams were rallying along-side Chenla to form the Vishnuite consortium, evidences show that the Khmer Court also made its last effort to unite other factions of both Indian and Southeast Asian courts in the fight against the Cham consortium. The lucky break for the Khmer consortium happened after Bhavavarman of Water Chenla changed his policy and plit himself from the Chenla's pact. Evidences show that the Sri Vijayan court took no time to retake control of their lost territory at the Malay Archipelago. During his last trip to Sri Vijaya in 695, I-Tsing confirmed that Mo-Lo-Yu was now the country of Shih-Li-Fo-Shih. The Sri Vijaya king Jayasena who found a public park in 684 sent an expedition against Java (ISSA: The Rise of Sri Vijaya: The Beginning s of the Kingdom of Sri Vijaya: p. 82). Perhaps it was he who sent the embassy of 695 to China. Later embassies in 702,716 and 724 were in the name of the king Shish-li-to-lo-pa-mo and in 728 and 742 in the name of the king Liu-Teng-Wei-kun. Evidences show that during these times, the Khmer consortium already made its way to establish the Khmer Empire at the mainland. From their own record, we know that Tonkin was invaded in 767 by bands that the Vietnamese annals say from She-Pao (java) and Kun-Lun (RC: pp.97-98). The governor Chang-Po-I defeated them near modern San-tay and drove them back to the sea. The campaign against Tonkin was actually a joint campaign between the Sanjaya court (of She-po) and the new displaced Khmer court (of Kun-Lun) in the next attempt to reform the Khmer Kingdom of Prey Nokor. At the same time, we see the Sailendra kings also made their presence known in both the Sri Vijaya and the Sanjaya courts. In one of the inscriptions of Ligor (Recueil des incriptions du Siam: Stele de Vian Srah, George Coedes), there are commemoration, in each face, of two kings apparently with different dynasties. On its face A, there is reference to a Srivijaya king Dhamasetu. He dedicated in 775 a shrine to Buddha and two Buddhisatvas. On its other face B, there is a reference to a king who bears the title of Maharaja, but the date and the name of the king was missing. Scholars speculated that the latter king could be the Sailendra king Dharanindra who, interesting enough would be a good match with Khun Lo, also known as "Lo Dharani" of the Lao tradition. The next king in connection with lord Indra was Prithivindravarman who settled at Champapura and later established the Khmer Cakravatin Empire at Prey-Nokor in 758. Scholars are leaning to believe (ISSA, George Coedes) that the inscription indicates a parental connection between the Sri Vijayan king Dhamasetu of the front face with the Sailendra king of the other face. Other inscriptions also show double identities of the Sailendra Maharajas as often enough they were mentioned as Sri Vijayan kings. On the other hand, the establishment of the Khmer Kings at Prey-Nokor, claiming themselves as proteges of Lord Indra, attests the move of the Sailendra court into the ancient site of the Khmer Empire. At the same time that the Sailendra merged with Sri Vijaya, evidences also show they also made alliance with the Sanjaya court. An inscription dated in 907 refers Sanjaya as a prince of Mataram (Southern part of Central Java) and as the first of a line. According to an inscription of Kalasan, the second in the line Panangkaran reigned in 778 under the suzerainty of the Sailendra dynasty. The fact that Kalasan was always been at Central Java and just a few years later was ruled by Panangkara suggests that the Sailendra was in fact the Buddhist version of Sanjaya. Evidences however show that it was not the case. Not only that such connection never been mentioned in any inscription, but we had also seen that fights had been erupted between the Bharasivas and the Guptas as late as the reign of Samudragupta. It is clear that being of close tie with the Guptas, the Sailendra could not be a Zion of the Sanjaya Court. The twos might have been still enemies if the last fallen Khmer court from Ba-Phnom did not join the latter during their escape from the Chenla 's attack. The intervention of the Khmer Court apparently was crucial not only joining the two courts into the pact, but also in arranging the next move. While Panangkaran settled himself at Central Java, the Sanjaya court had moved itself to the east of Java. With more powerhouses joining the consortium, the Khmer court finally broke free from the Cham attacks. The establishment of Angkor by Jayavarman II was seen next around the year 800. His contribution was to unite the principalities of the central and lower part of Cambodia to make up the Middle Kingdom of the Khmer Cakravatin establishment. The strategic move was at first designed to protect the Khmer court from the harassment of Java, but as time went by the consortium became the set point for a new Cakravatin Empire. Angkor became a Middle Kingdom of its own right after Magadha went into decline. Looking closely, it was part of the overall Kamara evolution, as circumstances had made a big play once again to enable the phoenix of the Kamara legacy to rise up from the ashes.

Reference:
  1. ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
  2. Camb: The Cambodge, by E. Aymonier
  3. HCamb: Histoire du Cambodge depuis le 1er Siecle de notre era, by Adhemard Leclere
  4. AInd: Ancient India, by R.C. Majumdar
  5. BViet: The Birth of Vietnam, by Keith Weller Taylor
  6. IDCL: Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam: Inscriptions de Dvaravati, de Crivijaya et de Lavo, by George Coedes
  7. IA: JSS: Une nouvelle d'inscription d'Ayuthya, by George Coedes
  8. RBR: A Record of Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malaya Archipelago (Ad 671-695), by I-Tsing, Translated by J.Takakusu
  9. DICI: BEFEO IV: Deux Itineraires de Chine en Inde, by Paul Pelliot
  10. RC: Le Royaume de Champa, by G. Maspero
  11. JAISC: Journal Asiatic: Aout-Septembre 1882: Inscriptions Sanscrites Du Cambodge, By August Barth
Notes:
  1. Chronology:
    514-550: The reign of King Rudravarman (at Prey Nokor); 566-597: Kirtivarman cosolidated the country of the Chalukyas; 581-618: The Sui Dynasty ruled China; 607: Water Chenla took over Xiang-Mai; 618-907: The Tang Dynasty ruled China; 640: First embassy of Ho-Ling to China; 644-45: The first embassy of Malayu to China; 649: The reign of Si-nou-lo in Yunnan; 657-681: The reign of Jayavarman I; 668-670: The reign of Mahendravarman II at Kanchi: 671: I-Tsing visited the Sri Vijaya: 689-692: Sri Vijaya took over Malayu: 690-705: The Empresse Wu Zetian ruled China under the second zhou dynasty; 695-722: the reign of Narasimhavarman II at Kanchi; 705-706: the split of the Chenla Empire; 723-731: the reign of Paramesvara II at Kanchi; 802: Jayavarman II founded Hariharalaya; 825: The Mala brothers, Thamala and Vimala founded Hamsavati;
  2. To-Lo-Po-Ti as Dvaravati
    To transcribe the Chinese "To-Lo-Po-Ti" as Dvaravati is not that convincing to us, since To-Lo-Po-Ti could be as well transcribed as To-la-puri. To-ha-lo-po-ti might have been a closer transcription to Dvaravati than T0-lo-po-ti.
  3. Sri Ksetra vs Daya-ksetra
    Scholars agree that the Chinese word "She-li-cha-to-lo", mentioned by the Chinese Hsuan-Tsang and I-Tsing, was a reference to Sri Ksetra. However, the reference of Sri Ksetra to the Pyu kingdom of Prome, based on Burmese name of Thayekhetaya need to be reviewed. The Burmese word "Thayekhetaya" might be instead a transcription of "Daya-Ksetra", but not a reference to "She-li-cha-to-lo" of both Hsuan-Tsang and I-Tsing. Either the Pyu Kingdom of Prome was or was not part of Sri Ksettra, its historical link with the Chenla king Bhavavarman and later with his descendant Anurudha was already established.
  4. The Dvaravati's Culture
    Coedes wrote: There were no information on what exactly happened during this transition; however a khmer inscription in Sanskrit, dated the year 937, told about a lines of princes of Chansupura (GuachaNagapura). The first of the line was the king Bhagadatta; then after an undetermined number of generations, we hear of Sundaravarman. Mangalavarman, consecrated a statue of Devi, a likeness of his mother. These names are not found in the epigraph of Cambodia, which gives a list of slaves, proves that three quarter of a century before the area was incorporated into Cambodia the Khmers had replaced the Mon population that had occupy it in the seventh century.
    Comment: Coedes'statement was true to the archeology fact supporting the Khmerization of Dvaravati. The inscription of Ayudhya, even though in Sanskrit, contains part in Khmer Language listing slaves of the God king Sankara. It indicates that the Khmer language was being used in the high court of Dvaravati as any other places of the Menam Valley that has the Khmer court settled as an offshoot of the Angkorean court. On the other hand, his last comment about the Mon population being replaced by the Khmers was superficially based on the assumption that the people of Dvaravati were Mon, a different race from the Khmer. The inscription of Ayudhya confirms no displacement of the people of the Menam Valley and evidences show that they were there, still speaking Mon language, at least until the formation of the Siam Country under king U-Thong in 1350 AD.
  5. The Dvaravati's Culture
    While compiling the modern history of Southeast Asia, the complex Khmer-Mon relationship became one of many enigmas for scholars. Based on the difference of spoken language, scholars assumed the Mon Identity to the people of Dvaravati. In the process, they disconnected Dvaravati from the rest of the Khmer Empire by the wrong misconception of cultural differences. To support his view, Coedes used the Mon language of the inscriptions found in the Menam Valley as a proof of his claim.
    Outside the existence of the kingdom of Dvaravati, and of its probable role in the history of the Buddhist art in Indochina, the sculptures and the inscriptions of Labapuri and of Brah Pathamcetiya reveal absolutely nothing about the history of the state, that remains obscure if no other epigraphic discoveries do not shed some more light. A point at least that seams already established : Dvaravati, which the city of Lavo, today Labapuri, was a part of it, was inhabited by the Mon people.(IDCL: Le Royaume of Dvaravati: P.4)
  6. The Book of Job
    In the Book of Jobs, Satan failed in his first attempt to make Jobs betraying God by inflicting pains and suffering to him. Both the Moon God Tsin and Satan just misunderstood the nature of mankind who seek the assistance of God when they are down and suffering, but soon started to challenge God when they achievement success through wealth and power. The Moon God Tsin soon found out of his mistake when men started to build the Tower of Babel and in the attempt to stop men's quest to challenge him, broke them apart by inducing them to speak different language. Needless to say, it would not stop men from self-indulgence and the challenge to God continued along with the fight for supremacy between their own kind.
  7. The reign of King Tisaraja
    The chronicle dated the event in 1002 of Buddhist era (459), an approximation of the Jayavarman Kaundinya reign over Kamboja. The reign of King Bhavavarman must to predate the end of the reign of Rudravaran that was in 550.
  8. Pyu Vs Mien
    There is strong misunderstanding that Pyu and Mien were ethnically related. The misconception is based mostly on the facts that both spoke Tibeto-Burman tongue. However, it is important to distinguish the difference between the two identities. The Pyu identity was derived from the leadership of Ashoka's thrid son, Piao-Siu-Ti, while the Mien, often nicknamed as the Shan Chinese, mostly represented the people of Central Asia.
  9. Rivalry between Southern Indian Courts
    Their situation was aggravated because a faction of the Land Chenla court had already established theirs South Indian power-base among local Bandu royal houses, By resuscitating back the Cholan legacy of the Sangam era of South India, they reformed the Chola Empire into becoming a powerful maritime power of the South China Sea (The Chola Dynasty: The Cholan Consortium: The Cholan Empire of Tanjore).
  10. The Ten Countries of the Southern Sea
    Po-lu-shi, Mo-Lo-Yu, Moh-ho-sin, Ho-Ling, Tan-tan, Pen-pen, Po-li, Kun-Lun, Po-shih-pu-lo, O-shan, Mo-chia-man (RBR: A Record of Buddhist Practices: Introduction: P. 10)
  11. The Tibeto-Burmese Tongue
    In spite of the wide scattering of the Tibeto-Burmese speakers, however, their flood myths of the "mountain-landing box" type show remarkable uniformity. There is a strong tradition of sea-flood myths among Tibeto-Burmese speakers but linguists believe that Tibeto-Bumese languages originated in Central Asia and migrated southwards to Burma and Thailand. So, for example, Karen, spoken down the peninsular coast of Burma, is regarded as a recent introduction. (Eden in the East: Babel, Stephen Oppenheimer)
  12. The Sailendra's Identity
    Scholars agreed that the word Sailendra (Saila-indra) was the reminiscence of the word "Lord of the mountain", a past legacy of the Nokor Phnom or the Shan country. In the inscription of Han Chey we came across the word "Parvataphubala" of Mahidhara that we had identified as a Khmer king of the Menam Valley, chased out by the Chenla King Bhavavarman (Chenla: The Chenla Dyanasty: Bhavavarman I). Connecting to the Kushan's god king Indra, the Greek God's Zeus also ruled over mount Olympus.
  13. The Pyu Tribesmen
    Like the Thai migration theory, scholars mis-associate the Pyus as the vanguard of Tibeto-Burman migration from Central Asia.
    The Pyu tribe, which constituted the vanguard of the Tibeto-Burman migration and called itself Tirchul, occupied the region around Prome. The ancient sites surrounding this town have yielded fragments of texts extracted from the Pali Canon written in a script that goes back to around the year 500. These documents proves the existence of a Buddhist colony of southern origin in a region which the Chinese pilgrims of the seventh century called Srikshetra and in which a dynasty of king bearing Sanskrit names reigned in the eight century (ISSA: The Second Indianization: The Oldest Evidences of the Pyus of the Irrawaddy and the Mons of the Menam: P. 62-63).
    In reality, evidences show that the Pyu communities were actually formed by the Pyu kings. In this case, they were members of the Anuruddha court from Sri Dharmaraja who came to establish the Pali version of Hinayana Buddhism on the ground of the native Narma people.
  14. The Karen and the Kayin
    Scholars agree that the Karen 's identity is in fact derived from the word Karyang or Yang, a close relative to the Anga tribesmen visited by Buddha Gautama during his trips to Nagadvipa (Nagadvipa: The visit of Buddha Gautama: The connection with the Naga world). Another tribesmen, the Kayin were seen making their close habitation with the Karen. Unlike their Karen compatriot who are austroasiatic in physical and life-style, the Kayin were undeniable austronesian from Central China. They were displaced to Southeast Asia along with the fallen Yin court of China. Even though having different type of custom and life style, the two tribesmen appeared to live peacefully along side each other.
  15. The Title Pon-gna
    In the inscription of Tham Rusi of Rajapuri, the form "pungn" for "Pun-gna" is also Mon. The important of the element Mon in the population of the Basin of Menam and in its colonization to the north until Haripunjaya (Lampoon), unknown until this later time reveals itself little by little, due to inscriptions unfortunately of little explicitly. (IDCL: Le Royaume de Dvaravati: P.4)