Author: Lem Chuck Moth
Started date: March/01/2005
Last updated: June/30/2016
All right reserved.
Since this paper is still drafted, the readers would be advised to ignore any context errors. The content is not final and subjected to be reviewed.
Through the open sea and land route, Arab merchants paved the way for aristocratic classes to move into Southeast Asia. At the high of the intercontinental commercial activities, Southeast Asia became the meeting place of Middle Eastern migrants, not at the population stratum but at the ruling class as a whole. Apparently, they came in different phases and were of different backgrounds but always had the same objective in mind that was looking for opportunity to build their own venture. To achieve their goal, they were not afraid to use any mean available to shake off the local leadership. After making their ways into Southeast Asia, they started to exert their influence in the local politic that resulted in the next political unrest of the Kamara World. One of the earliest comers was king Hun-tien who, according to Chinese sources, subdued the local queen Ye-lieou and founded the Funan Empire. More disturbances were on the way and this time it was happening right in the court of Funan. Starting from the plot of king Hun Pang Huong against the rightful heir who was son of king Hun Tien, the dynastic fight continued. According to Chinese sources, by the late third century, the descendants of king Hun Tien and the queen Ye-lieou lost all their political standing.
His descendants became weaken, and their prosperity ceased to rule. The general Fan Sium started a lineage that inherited of the Funan kings.
(BEFEO III: Le Funan, Paul Pelliot, p. 254)
We then saw serious split among kings of Funan into two antagonist factions. One of them was originated from king Fan Che Man and the other from king Fan Chan. Competing for the throne of Funan, the fighting was mostly concerning about the supremacy between the grass root Kamara leadership and the new arrived Cham migrants. Their concentration at the eastern side creates a political secession from the Funan Empire and elected the general Fan Hsun to be their king.
The Cham Identity
In Gangetic India, the Nandas lost the fight and the Sakas moved along the Ganges Valley to settle in communities called Saka Satraps. One of them was named Champavati and became a city of the ancient naga ream of Vanga. The Sakan migrants who took shelter at Champavati became known as the Chams. As indicated in the Cham cosmogony, the effect of the next Cham migration into Southeast Asia is much more extensive than previously perceived. Driven out by internal crisis, the displaced Chams arrived at Southeast Asia to form their own communities on the ground of local tribesmen. The map of Ptolemy confirms that in the second century, the capital of Kamboja desa was named Zabag and was located at nortwest of Saigon (HCamb: Le Funan: P 21-22). Zabag was at the time no other than Champapura, the city of the Cham kings. In its extention, Zabag was meant to be a Greek reference to Java that extended itself along the way to cover the whole of Southeast Asia. The people the Zabag country were not all austronesians that constituted the minority of people of Indochina. As we shall see, the legacy of the Cham aristocratic societies was a global development and was not restricted to Southeast Asia only. Before the advent of the Han taking hold of Southern China, we had argued that the whole of the mainland Indochina, as well as the whole of Lin-yi (Prey-Nokor) was part of the Hiong-wang kingdom and were mostly peopled of Kun-lun (Khmer-Mon) stock. On the other hand, the Cham aristocrats were from Parthia that could not be mixed with natives Southeast Asians. Like their Kambojan counterpart, they were the same Central Asian stock physically of taller feature (Notes: The Kamboja vs the Yueh Shih). What makes the difference between them was actually their leadership who, through distinct religious believes and life-style, were deadly enemies. On the same note, it is important to differenciate Champapura (the city of the Chams) from Lin-Yi (Prey-Nokors) commonly misreferred as the same country by scholars, due to their very close history. As we shall see, Champapura (Tchou-po in Chinese source) was not formed at Prey-Nokor but at Koh Thom (near Phnom Penh) of today. Politically there were antagonist fine lines between the Cham leadership and the native court of Lin-yi during their early foundation. While Champapura was receiving full support from the Han, Lin-yi was on the other hand fighting off both the Chams and the Han's control. Regrouped themselves at Pandaranga or Phang-rang, the native court of Lin-yi brought themselves up to become the next progenator of the Khmer empire (Prey Nokor: The Fight for Independance: The Chu Lien's Uprising).
THE COSMOGONY OF PO NOGAR
The chronicle of Po Nagar was by far a valuable source, if not the only source, illustrating the expansion of the Cham world in the past. The chronicle starts by introducing the Cham divinities who played important role in the formation of Middle East cakravatin empire. The rest of the chronicle was dedicated more to the creation and how the Cham world was developed under the watch of the imminence Goddess yang Po Nagar (Notes: The Po Nagar's Creation). It is interesting to note that this western cosmogony credited Yang Po Nagara, as a goddess, to take on the charge of the world after the decline of the Meru Culture. The chronicle was by all means, the record of her latest exploit from her Middle Eastern headquarters over the eastern part of the world. Deciphering properly, the chronicle provides us with elaborate information about the spreading of Middle Eastern Yueh or Soma culture back into its Asian root.
The Formation of the Anammite World *
According to the chronicle, the goddess Yang Po-Nagar took on the leading role of expanding the latest development of Middle Eastern culture to the east. Supposedly derived from the Meru culture, the Cham culture had been subjected to a new development under the goddess Po-Nagar whom we shall identify as no other than a spiritual representation of the Queen of the west. Through her, the Cham world had expanded itself through Central Asia into China bringing along the latest of Middle Eastern development into the east (Notes: The religious Background of the Chams). The chronicle comments on the spreading of the Cham world through the involvement of two divinities that were supposedly descended from her and her consort who was Meru himself. The goddess assigned each of the two gods a distinct kingdom to rule.
Po Uvlvah duplicated himself into Po Avahuk to rule the Chams; he himself went to establish the kingdom of Java. Po Debata Svor duplicated himself also as a terrestrial king and he himself went to establish the kingdom of China.
Po Deba Ta-Svor was a Cham reference to the Hindu God Deva Ta Isvara, an incarnation or a descendant of Maha-Meru in the lineage of kIng MahaSamanta. In the Greek mythology, he was known as Poseidon who, like Meruduk in the Sumerian cosmogony, was known to be the creator of the Dragon (Naga) Culture to spread all around the world. It this was the case, it was Meruduk who brought the draconic culture to spread in Chinese Continent. Historically, the event happened during the high expansion of the Archamenic Empire and the decline of the Kambujan establishment in Parthia. According to Chinese history, a new dynasty was formed from the grass root Xia court of the original Meru Lineage (Nagadvipa: The Hiong-wang Kingdom: The Tchou Dynasty). Known later as the Tchou, the new dynasty subdued the Chang court and built their new empire over the conquered territory of Jinnan. Another faction of the Tchou dynasty that was known as the Wu, took hold of Central China and built Jinnan on the ground of the Chinese people. Ousted by the Han, they regrouped themselves to become the ancestors of Korean, Japanese leadership and were known as the Man-tchou. At the mean time, the Han developed Central China into becoming the seat of the Han Chinese of today. According to the chronicle of Po-Nokor, it was actually the effect of Yang Po-Nokor herself with the help of her beloved son Adam. The legend of the Dragon king Loc Lac of the Vietnamese folklore must to have its source from the same development that was shared with Central China. According to the legend, the Dragon King Loc Lac came from the southern sea and consorted with local queen to rule alone over China. The Dragon King then departed to his southern realm, leaving the Chinese continent to his consort and half of his offspring to rule. This development of the Cham cosmogony is echoed by the tradition of the Muong (MGRV: The Muong: Tribal Background: Legendary History), the only ethnic minority of North Vietnam that was culturally close related to the Kinh of Central China. Their legendary history about the creation of the world mimics the Cham Cosmogony.
The sky created the first man, Ban-co, who fathers four sons. The first, Phu-ky, fathered the Chinese; the second, Than-nong, sired the Annamite; the third, Gich-Rong, fathered the aristocracy; and the fourth, Loc-Tac-An, sired the common people.
Connecting to the Cham Cosmogony, the aristocracy of the Muong's tradition was obviously the Ta-Yueh-Shih power elite themselves. They were of Assyrian descends and had European look more than other Middle Easterner peers. At the same time, a descendant of the TChou, known in local tradition of the Stieng tribesmen as Xiang took hold of Yunnan and resuscitated back the Hiong-wang Kingdom on the ground of the Kun-lun people. Formed as a confederation of states (Kiao-tche in Chinese source), evidences show that Hiong-wang stretched its territory from Manipura to Southern Seashore of the Chinese continent of today. New findings had concluded that the Kun-lun people were the first to move in southern part of China after the great flood. The statement might also hold true for the early indigenous of Southern China of the Red River Valley during the Kamara kingship (The Nagadvipa: The Hiong-wang Kingdom: Lin-Yi or the Jungle Kingdom). Known also as Prey-nokor (Lin-yi in Chinese source), the confederation included in its membership pretty much of all civilized Southeast Asian communities of the time. Nevertheless, Prey-nokor was going to be impacted by the next development of Yang Po Nokor. In their southern expansion that resulted in the formation of the modern Annamite of the Red Delta River, the Cham aristocrats or the Han rulers conducted a drastic de-population of the south to make room for the northern Yueh communities of Central Asia free to migrate in. Under this Cinicization, new Chinese families of Yueh stock were implanted in close net communities (Prey Nokor: The Han expansion: Tongkin as a military command post of the Han) in a procession that drove away the Kun-lun people from the couthern part of China.
The Han Dynasty (206 BC-220) *
Known as the bamboo plantation, the Annamite policy of expansion was very effective on extending their frontier on the ground of the natives. Once the bamboo is planted, it spreading leaves no ground for other indigenous plants to survive. It was after the Han's aggressive campaign to extend their southern frontier that the Annamite became to be the people of Dai-viet. Formed in close connection with the migration of the Yueh leadership and the Central Chinese Kinh people down-south, Dai-Viet' s subsistence started with the Han dynasty. By extending the Saka world over China to be ruled by the Naga Po Debata Svor, the Cham Cosmogony implicates that the Han rulers were of Saka stock. One way to check it out is to trace back the origin of the Kushan Empire that left its mark in the world history at the first century by invading the Gangetic India. We knew from modern history that they were driven out from their eastern homeland and founded their dominion at northwestern part of India, assumably at the expense of the Kamboja. Their actual homeland and their origin were however obscure. In correlation with the Cham Cosmogony, the Tibetain tradition tells us that they were in fact, a faction of the Kamboja themselves who in the verge of the formation of the new Chinese history, were known as the Yueh. According to the Tibetain Tradition, the Chao Yueh Shih made their migration south and settled among the Tian tribesmen (TIBET: Before the Empire).
What may have been a crucial formative influence on the proto-Tibetans was the migration of the people known in Chinese source as Hsiao (meaning in Khmer language as grand-son or little) Yueh-chih, a branch of the Ta (Great) Yueh-chih. Defeated by the Hsiung-nu in the second century BC, the Ta-Yueh-Shih migrated to Bactria and are identified as the Tokharians. Those among who were unable to make the trip moved instead in the Nan-shan area, were they mixed with the Chiang tribes, and became like them in custom and language.
The statement that Ta-Yueh-Shih was defeated by the Hsiung-nu might have been overstated. It could be as well that Hiong Nu was a new generation of Ta-Yueh-Shih leadership and that their expansion toward the west resulted in the Yesh Chih taking hold of Parthia. At the same time that Ta-Yueh-Shih took control of Parthia, the Han were themselves driven out from Central China by the grass root Quin dynasty. While they were forced to escape West, the Chao Yueh-shih moved south to mix with the Chiang (Xiang) leadership to become the Tchou native rulers of Prey Nokor (Prey Nokor: The Kingdom of Hiong Wang: The Stieng's account of the Tchou Dynasty). Another group of Ta-Yueh-Shih stayed to resist the Quin and after winning over them, moved into the Chinese continent to form the new Han dynasty. Taking hold of the central Chinese court, the Han brought the Chinese Empire into a new era. Confucianism was systematically formed to become the backbone of the Chinese aristocratic culture. Looking closely, this religious movement owed its philosophical concepts to the Sakan legacies of northern Mongolian cultures. The Yin-Yang cosmology for instance had been found in all Sakan communities as remote as the Indonesian archipelago, independently from Confucianism. During its apogee, the Han controlled the Silk roads to the eastern tip of Parthia of the Kambojan Empire. This expansion, typical of the Han venture, would not let rivalry to stand in their way and Parthia was their next target. The conquest of the Kushan Empire over Parthia opened the silk-road all the way from China to Middle East. Apparently the Han had achieved their goal of reaching to the Western Ta-tsin without going through Parthia as a middle agent (Notes: The Western Ta-tsin). As anything else beside the Han were considered as barbarians, they justified themselves to conquer the world for the greatness of their race. The feeling had been transplanted in many other parts of the world contributing to later worldwide crisis in many occurrences. In the south, the eviction of the Kamara court from Jinnan along with the control of Kiao-tche was not a coincidence. It was part of a worldwide development of the Cham Empire, carried through by the Han dynasty. The global arrangement would set China of the Han dynasty a step closer to its goal as the center of the world if the Sakan Clan had not been subjected to the same life-cycle rule of the law of karma. As the old saying says, what goes up must come down, the next phase of the Sakan development was the divergence. According to the Cham Cosmology, the Sakan world then diverged.
The Chinese followed the Chinese, The Javanese followed the Javanese and the Chams followed the Chams.
They stopped understand each other, meaning the Sakas of China became Chinese, the Javanese Sakas became Javanese and the Cham Sakas became the Cham Aristocratic themselves. The decline of the Sakas had naturally an adverse consequence. Just as it was about to succumb completely, we shall see that the Kamara World was back into the limelight.
The Cham Banis *
Since its early history, Indonesia was connected with the Cham's World more than any other part of Southeast Asia. In the Cham cosmogony, it is said that Po Yang Amo or Adam created the Cham Banis who were identified as the Autronesian stocks of Indonesia. It is consistent with the fact that the southern islands of the Malay Archepelago were part of Sri Kambu' s kingdom known as Kambuja desa. The arrival of King Aji-Saka, as mentioned in the Javanese local tradition, would add more connection between Southeast Asia to the Cham's world that resulted in the formation of Champapura later through the interference of the Han dynasty. In the chronicle, it is said that Po Uvlvah duplicated himself into Po Avahuk to rule the Chams and under the intervention of Po Nogar herself, went to establish the kingdom of Java. It is important not to be confused of the new Indonesian people who were migrants from Central China and the ancient austronesian tribemen of the south as they have totally of different culture and life-style. As recounted by the Rhade tribesmen, the austronesians shared with their Chinese peers the same northern tradition of the deep past. One of their claims seams to support Darwin' s law of evolution (Prehistory: The Flood Culture: The Fish People and the Journey back to the Sea). Of their northern environment, the Austronesian should never have any sea's contacts before the great flood. their navigation skill using small boats might have been learned from the Malay people and was not elaborate enough to allow them to go farther off the mainland. While others managed to go down farther into southern islands, the Darlac Plateau was on the other hand the last settlement of the Rhade. Its support the theory that after the flood, the Austronesians had passed through the mainland Indochina before they moved on to the sea (Notes: Austronesian Sea Venturing). Some stayed behind as legacies of head hunter's custom were still found scarcely at the footstep of Himalayas and to the eastern hills of the mainland. their flood legacies stayed on and could be easily traced by their communities of multiple family units living in the long houses that stayed until modern days. Others who ventured out of the mainland did not go far, as scholars once mis-associated them to the seafarer Polynesians. On the other hands, they should not be treated as the ancestors of modern Indonesians and other islanders of the South China Sea in close approximation of the mainland. Carried on by the Han dynasty, a new wave of the Annamite (Central Chinese) migrants started during the subjugation of the Hiong-weang kingdom. During the Han Nam-Tien 's campaign, mass movement of the Annamite people from Central China had been carried on by the Han court through the accomodation of the seafearer Kambu Naga King. This consortium was one of many causes that rendered the mass austronesian migration down south possible. Through the trading channel with Middle East, these austronesian speakers were not derived fron the previous austronesian settlers. Needlesss to say, it became the catalyst of the austronesian language s' new spreading to the south. And as postitulated by the austronesian migrating theory, it started from the Southern provinces of China through Taiwan. Connecting with the west, the Javanese tradition recalled next the arrival of the Cham king Ajisaka from abroad whose trip to Southeast Asia resulted in his permanent stay in the region. A storm forced his ships to land at Mataram where he settled down with his crew. He was quoted to leave his country from the seaport of Gujarat in a destination to the east. Some sources say that it was a leisure trip, others say instead that it was an escape from a foreign attack, perhaps during the assault of Elexander the Great over Mesopotamia. Whatever the cause, the arrival of king Ajisaka contributed to the next revolution of the regional culture a long side the next economic progression of the sea trade. At first, he was credited to bring the Kawi scripture (known also as the Cham scripture) into Southeast ASia to enrich the local culture along side the Kambuj legacy of King Hun Tien. On the other hand, his arrival was seen as causing of the surge of Zoroastrianism and the practices of Sharia Law in Southeast Asia. Economically, the Chams were very good in commercial activity and were well known of their wealthy status. Evidence show that they soon left Mataram and moved up north to join the court of Funan, in establishing the Cham communities along side the Mekong river. Under the Han protection, they started to incurs into the Funan Court and at the same time built Oc-Eo into becoming a lucrative seaport along the sea-chore of the mainland Indochina (Kamboja Desa: The Sea Route: The ancient Port Oc Eo). Their success story however ended after the decline of the Han Dynasty and the rise of the Gupta Empire in Gangetic India. and were introduced to Buddhism first under the Sailendra and later under the Khmer influence.
THE IMPACT ON THE TIAN LEGACY
After the Kuru's war, the Meru Culture was in decline. In Middle East, the Abrahamic schools lost their focus on the Moon God Tsin and letting themselves under sway of the Kala Yuga, started to worship the god Ashura. In the east, a new development concerning the establishment of the Hiong-wang kingdom was at the right moment that Meru was making his way to exit Middle East. As we shall see, Meru's plan was not without challenge. Po Nakar's intervention in the east would bring down the Hiong-wang kingdom and at the same time, bring down the Moon Culture to its end. Amid of this cosmogony conflict, Buddha Gautama was born to give humanity a break and at the same provided meriteous souls the ultimit salvation that they deserved. His involvement in Southeast Asia as recorded in Buddhist tradition would bring Buddhism as the next world religion until the last of our current kappa.
The Impact on the Moon Culture *
Unlike their austroasiatic counterpart, the austronesian of the north of the Chinese continent had no tradition of god in their prehistory (Prehistory: The flood culture: The Fish People and the Journey back to the Sea). Until the Great Flood, evidences show that they were practicing hunting-gathering life-style and depended totally on natural resources to survive. The Tai Tradition has its own account of the Great Flood that provides us with a good source of information on how Chinese communities were built after the catastrophic event (SIAM1: Chronicle de Simhanati: The history of the Cave Tham Pum: P.84). The account confirms that the flood was not global, but local to mount Himalaya. Regions mostly impacted were actually the south of mount Himalaya covering much of Southeast Asia and the east (of mount Himalaya) that covering much the southern part of the Chinese continent. After the flood, lakes of small and bigsizes, surrounded the mountainous peaks of the two regions. It took many more centuries for the flood water to completely subside and became habitable for the flood survivors to move in. At the mean time, evidences show that the development of humanity already started at the Tian Shan Range where hight attitude kept it out from the flood' s reach. It was there that the Man and later the Meru Culture started to spread. After its short initial start at the Tian Shan range, the Meru culture moved into Middle East where it progressed into the full blown Moon (Yueh in Chinese) Culture. On the same development, the northern part of China became the first to be initiated to the Yueh culture through the Jin dynasty of the Meru lineage. The ancient legacy of the Yellow Emperor in Chinese recollection might date from that time. Nevertheless, the legacy did not last long as northern China became next subject of Tartarization. Unlike Middle East where the Meru culture started to develop itself into becoming the source of the western culture, the Chinese continent became next the target of the Skythian invasion. The trade route (known later as the Silk Roa) became actually the international highway that made the western incursion possible with the spreading of the Tai-yuan Culture. By conquering China and establishing Anyang, the Shang dynasty subsequently overran the Jin and split their country into two separate political factions. Under the Shang dynasty, city and state along with the western concept of civilization took hold of northern China. Anyang was then a big city of the oriental world to be considered by the locals as the heaven on earth. Under the Shang influence, Central China that constituted the southern part of Anyang was then known as Annam (the An of the south). The situation did not change after the fall of Anayang under the Tchou dynasty. For most of its rule, the Tchou just topped themselves over the Shang existing establishment. Formed by a faction of Ta-Tsin, the Tchou dynasty was itself Tartaric and naturally found big city like Anyang to be actually suitable for their rule. In contrast, the swamp region of the south appeared to generate little interest to them and was left to the Tsu dynasty to develop. The Stieng' s account of Djiang, the founder of the southern Tsu dynasty, conveys to us that he had strong blood relationship with the Southern Austroasiatic leadership (Prey-Nokor: The break-down of the Hiong-Wang Kingdom: The Remnant of the Tsu Dynasty). In consortion with the grass root Xiang of southern countries, they transformed Jinnan to become a new cakravatin empire based on the legacy of the ancient Tian Culture. During all this time, evidences of mass migration from the Kujin country of Nagaland that started from early third millinium BC continued on to populate the mainland Indochina as well as the southern coastal part of China. Under the Xiang dynasty, Varadhana (Hiong-wang in Chinese) was established as part of the Tchou cakravatin empire. Many localities in Indochina still retain their Xiang identification due to the administrative systems of the Xiang dynasty. At the same time, the rise of the Tchou had significant implication on the cultural development of Central China as well as of Southeast Asia. Evidences show that the Tchou had accommodated members of the Shang royal house to co-rule his country and subsequently spreat the Bronze (Dong-son) culture all over the Tian country. The splitting of the Wu as a branch of the Tchou, as we shall see, had led to the next formation of the Greek Empire and a new development of western culture. It was when Buddhist tradition mentions about a new consortion between the ocean Naga king and the hand-over of his daughter to the mountainous Naga King Coladara. Before he died, the ocean Naga king gave the throne of Jewels to his son-in-law as token of his love for his grand-son. It was actually representing his consent to crown the Coladara King as a Cakravatin monarch over the Mahodara ream. In the same development, we had seen that Nabopolassar and son Nebuchadnezzar who were actually members of the Tchou dynasty went out to wrest Babylon from the Assyrian court of Middle East. Their exploit resulted in moving the Meru culture out of Middle East into the Gangetic India (Nagadvipa: The Naga' s Mythology: The Naga Land).
The Yueh Migration*
As indicated by the cosmogony of Po Nakar, the foundation of modern China and Annam were closely related. Under the divine guidance of Po Nakar, the Yueh communities of Central Asia made their move to find better opportunities at the south. Their presence along the southern coast up to the valleys of Southern part of China show that the whole of the Hiong-wang kingdom became actually their target. As we shall see, the fall of Hiong-wang allowed the yueh aristocrats to infiltrate among the native communities and, with ruse, wrested the power from the Khmer-mon village headmen. Either of aristocratic background or of lower class warriors, Chao Yueh Shih were actually Central Asian stock and probably spoke Tibeto-burman tongue. They were known in many traditions of the Khmer-mon tribes as the Chuongs and were admired mostly for their magical tricks. Their vagabondage life-style earned them the reputation of barbarians from their Chinese peers as well as from the natives of Southeast Asia. Their southern move gave way to many mass migration theories that were going to affect both modern history of Southeast Asia and China. Some scholars argue that this massive Yueh migration from Central Asia could never been possible in recent time. The skeptitism was based partly on the wrong assumption that indecent people such as the Chao Yueh Shihs could pass through the sophisticate Han people without any incidence. Even though reasonable, the assumption was faulty due to the attribution of the Han identity as the same of Chinese people and not to their leadership of Yueh background. As we had argued, the Han rulers were originated from the same big Yueh family, through the Hiong-nu branch of Ta Yueh-shih (The Tartarization: The Cosmogony of the Cham world: The Han dynasty). As early as they were in control of China, the Chao Yueh-Shih were encouraged to join in the southern Chinese development. Unlike the Quin, the Han emperors had much more ambitious agendas about the formation of the Han China, which according to closer study was done depending upon on the geographic setting of the country. At the east, the displacement of the Tian or the Kun-lun communities were done methodically by the imperial rule through the implantation of Chinese migrants from Central China. Along with the establishment of the Yueh aristocrats from Central Asia to take on the administration and commercial activities of the region, we shall see that mass migration of Nung people were also promoted to accommodate the Han Nam-tien project (Prey Nokor: ). Needless to say, their vagabondage life-style would bring the barbarian reputaion to be implanted as the trade mark of Southern China ever since. When the Quin dynasty retook the control of China in 220 AD, the Nam-tien campaign had been put to a stop. Nevertheless, the goddesse of Po Nokor already accomplished her mission of laying ground-work for her next campaign, which was the spreat of Islam to the east. At Yunnan, the Mien's own tradition conveys that by helping the Chinese emperor from a bad situation, their king Pan Huang received the hand of a Chinese princess and the right to rule the western mountainous region of China. It explain why Yao communities were seen later taking a dominant role in Yunnan until modern days. Other Shan communities on the land-route's path between India and China had also been undergone under the Chinese development that was not only restricted to the southern China but occurred all over Southeast Asia as well. At the south, the arrival of the Cham king Ajiraja transformed the southern part of Southeast ASia into the Cham kingdom that appeared in the world map as Jabeg. As their Central Asian Yueh counterpart, the Cham aristocrats were born to be merchant and warrior at the same time. If they were not fighting in a battlefield, they busied themselves collecting wealth at the market places. The legacies remained when they moved into Southeast Asia where they settled in small satraps along the Mekong River. In northern Lao countries where the Cham legacies were already established with the presence of the Yueh leadership among the Lao tribesmen, the "Chao-fa" could have his status elevated up to a king (Notes: The Etymology of the Word "Chao-fa"). We shall see that the Cham legacies stayed on after the formation of the Khmer empire at Prey Nokor by the Indian prince Kaundinya (Prey Nokor: The Indian Arrival: The left-over Cham Legacies). After the Cham kings were ousted, the Cham's Chao-fas were left to govern local communities under the Khmer control. The Khmer word Chao-way (Chao-fay) meaning boss or chief that is a derivative of the word "Chao-fa" was used since to predicate the governor's title of a city or a province, but (at the time) never a kingdom.
The Fall of Hiong-wang *
Undoubtedly, the presence of the Yueh or Cham communities over of Southeast Asia reflected the Han successful campaign over the Tian country.
To start, the Han regrouped scattered Cham communities into becoming strong political centers of the new Cham world. In the Heou han chou (25-220 AD) (BEFEO IV:Deux Itineraires de Chine en Inde, p. 266, Paul Pelliot), a passage describes the emergence of Yueh-tiao along with the kingdom of the Chan.
In the sixth year of yong-kien in the twelfth month (131-132 AD), the kingdom of Yueh-tiao off the border of Jinnan and Chan-tcheng sent an embassy to offer tribute.
Chan-tcheng or the kingdom of the Chan was undoubtedly the Chinese reference to "Viang Chan" or Viengtiane, a city of the northern part of Laos today. The passage indicates that as early as 131 AD, Chan-tcheng was already formed and sent its embassy to China along with Yueh-tiao. The commentary, composed under the Tang, added the following citation to the passage.
The king of Yueh-tiao sent an ambassador Che-houei to the court and offered tribute. The court made Che-houei a "master of the city of Yueh-tiao submitted to Han"; and offered to his prince the violet ribbon.
Actually the word "Chao" is a Khmer word meaning grand-son, when used in conjunction with the word "fa" (Prah or God in Khmer), the Tai word "Chao Fa" means the Grand-son of God, a title that was commonly assigned to the Tai or Sakan king. On the other hand, the Chinese word "Yue" or "Yueh" (meaning the moon) was referring specifically to the Soma culture of the Saka legacy. Yueh-tiao, also known as Yueh-nan, was originally part of Nan-tiao and was referring to the stronghold of the Yueh. In the chapter Tsin Han chou that was dedicated to the barbarians of the South, there is another mentioning of the same embassy to China.
The sixth year yong-kieu of the emperor Chouen, the king of Yueh-tiao off the border of Jinnan, Pien, sent an embassy offering tribute. The emperor gave back to Pien a pail of gold and a violet ribbon.
The violet ribbon was the regalia of Chinese investiture. Perhaps ranked by its color, it symbolized the suzerainty of the Chinese court over vassal states. Under the Yueh incursion, the adaptation was also seen happening to the rest of the Jin in Himalaya who are now living among the Tibeto-Burmese stocks. At the same time, displacement of the Tian people ( Kun-lun in Chinese, Komara in Arab) could be checked out next through displacement of major political centers of the Hiong-wang Kingdom.
First located at Yunnan, Srasvati was moved down south along with the Kamara court but still retained its past legacy of Panduranga. The official history of the Mings (BEFEO t.3: Textes Chinois sur Panduranga, Paul Pelliot), compiled at XVIII century indicated that there was the Kun-lun Mountain at Pandaranga (Notes: The Displacement of Panduranga). After the move, it became the preceptor of Prey Nokor that was known in Chinese texts as Lin-yi. It is important to note that the people of Prey Nokor, as of many other parts of Indochina, were of Khmer-mon stocks.
We shall see moreover that Prey Nokor was part of the ancient kingdom of Hiong-wang and was formed basically on the ground of the Autroasiatic people by the Tian kings (Prey Nokor: The kingdom of Hiong-wang: The Stieng's account of the Tians). During the high of the Han dynasty (206BC-220), Lin-yi along with Jinnan was subjugated.
Coupling with the advent of the Cham king Ajiraja, evidence from Chinese source shows that Lin-yi was administered under the control of the Cham king and Sambhupura was formed as its capital (Notes: The Establishment of the Cham's Cotrol over Lin-yi). We shall see however that the Han's control over Lin-yi would be soon challenged by the native court of Prey-Nokor. According to the Cham chronicle of Po Nagar, their establishment in Southeast Asia had never been easy.
The beginning of the Cham kingdom was extremely hard, harassed from all fronts, by the Jin, spectre and demons.
Besides the harassment by the indigenous people (spectre) and later by the kambojan kings (demons), the major problems for the Chams were the Khmer (Jin) kings. After Settling at Wat Phu, the Chams extended their control eastward to the place that later received and retained the name of Champapura until modern day. The expansion was made possible since the eastern tribes including the Halangs had already accepted the leadership of the Chams (Sakadvipa: The Don-son Culture: The race of giants). In conjunction with the Han's exploit in Southern China, the Ta-Yueh-Shih had made theirs move into the Gangetic India.
After taking hold of West Bengal where they changed the naga communities into Saka-satraps, they formed Champapura to replace the ancient city of Kalyani of Vanga.
THE BIRTH OF DAI-VIET
Through out ancient Chinese exploit, the Han was the first dynasty to become conscious with territory expansion. Under Tartarization, the Han brought the western notion of race and nationality to the oriental world. After displacing the Kamara people of southern China, the Han built Dai-Viet by settling the Kinh migrants from Central China to occupy the fertile land wrested from the Kun-lun people and the migrant Yueh from Central Asia to administrate the new country. At the same time, the Han prepared the western part of Prey Nokor into becoming a vassal state of China with the help of the Cham royal houses. The advent of the Coladara uprising brought the Han southwestern development to an end and prompted the Han to build Tonkin as a Chinese military command post to guard against any Kamara' s attempt to claim back its hereditary past.
The Displacement of the Kamara People*
The concepts of mass migration as formulated by linguitic inclusion had been reevaluated as due mostly to influencial groups of upper class immigrants on local people through cultural transfer. It was actually upper class who settled among the locals and taugh them their language. The finding had been applied successfully to reject the Tai mass migration theory as had been long postulated by some scholars. As we shall see, it also applied to the rejection of Dai-Viet community to be part of the southern grass-root Mon-Khmer stock as had been so far formulated by some languishs.
Simply from linguistic point of view, some scholars went far to treat Vietnamese as of Khmer-mon stock (Prey Nokor: The Break down of the Hiong-wang Kingdom: The Displacement of the Annamete People). When applying to the southern part of China, scholars had been since associating the southerners as belonging to the same family of barbaric peole. In comparation to the cultured Chinese people, scholars treated the Khmer-mon stock as barbarian as the southern Yueh people in general.
The Yueh migration theory was from start, opposed and ridiculed by opposite views of Viet origin at the Red River delta (BViet: App4endix E: The Yueh Migration Theory: P. 314-315). In the attempts of settling the Viet communities as indegenous of south China, scholars started by denying their foundation as due to the Yueh migration that was happening at the third century BC under the intervention of the Han dyansty. Other scholars accepted immediately the rejection since its appears to support their own theory of the early austronesian migration (Prehistory: The Hoabinhian Factor: The Cultural Factor). The theory of austronesian migrating south from the Red River Delta had been for some time used as a connection of the Dai-viet' s ethnicity with southerners. This claim alone was enough to reject any connection of the northern Yueh migration into the Dai-viet communities of the south. Ommitting the fact that the southern part was first inhabited by the Kun-lun people after the great flood, the theory of prehistorical austronesian migration confirmed that the Vietnamese was native of the Red River Delta. As a re-enforcement, the Vietnamese legend of Lord Lac seams to indicate that they shared the same ancestors with the southern draconian societies and some scholars mistakenly identified them as Austronesian (Prehistory: The Hoabinhian Culture: The Cultural Factor). In reality, the legend of Lord Lac is a shared legacy of the spreading of the Draconian culture to the whole Chinese continent under the suzerainty of the Han dynasty in their early consortium with the Water Naga King Paramesvara of Southeast Asia (Notes: The legend of Lord Lac). From that perspective, we are confident enough to conclude that the Kinh settlers who established themselves along the Hong River were in fact the same Han people from Central China. Like the Han, the Khinh have their mentality closely connected to the marketplace and were known to be city dwellers. Before the establishment of Dai-Viet, evidences show that central Chinese people had been initiated to the same Tartaric culture through the Wu dynasty (Sakadvipa The Sakan Expansion: The Tchou and the Yueh-shih). They were by then ruled by local Yueh leadership and received Yueh Culture even though China was ruled by the Tchou dynasty. In contrast, the Kun-lun people whose establishment at the Red River Delta and other Southern part of China were still retaining their original Tian Culture. Only after the Han era that Dai-Viet was established on the ground of the eastern Kun-lun people. Elaboring on their disappearance from the southern part of China, the Arab merchant Lbn Said recounted (in the late eleventh century) about his knowledge of the Komara escape to the Southern countries. He described the Komara people as brothers of the Chinese who occupy the oriental region of the earth. The record then mentioned their journey into Indochinese territory and down to the Malay Archipelago.
The Chinese then chased the Komara to the islands, they settled there for a while. The title of the king was Kamrun. (KunLun: Le Kouen-Louen et les anciennes Navigation: P. 204-213)
The Arab word "Komara" obviously was an adaptation to the Sanskrit word "Komeru" referring to the Tian communities of Mount Meru. For the sake of clarity we used the word "Komara" to identify both the Meru Culture and the Southeast Asian people who practiced the Culture. Also known as the Kun-lun in Chinese source, they were classified later as the Khmer-mon people by western scholars. We had seen that the title "Kamara" was actually a traditional royal title of the Khmer King officially inscribed in Khmer inscription (Kamboja Desa: The Kamboj legacy: The Kun-lun Tradition). On the same note, the title "Kamrun" was an Arab adaptaion to either the royal title "Kun-lun" or "Ku-long" as referred in Chinese source to the Khmer King. Back to the Chinese assault, the account mentions that the Komara first stayed with their king at Komoriyya on the small Komara island. While the king stayed at Komoriyya, some of the people moved to the big island of Komara. Otherwise unidentified, the city Komoriyya was meant to be first located at Prey-nokor where the Kamara communities were regrouping themselves from the attact of the Han (Prey-Nokor: The Break-down of the Hiong-wang Kingdom: The Fight for Independance). At the same time, we believe that the big island of Komara was meant to be the Malay Archipelago that was at the time belonged to the Mahodara of the ocean naga king. According to the Arab's account, they later escaped all the way to Madagaska (Notes: The displace of the Kamara People to Madagaska). At the mean time, we believe that Mahodara included Rajpuri of Deccan where the king had the last name of Kaundinya (The Indianization: The Rise of the Gupta: The Vakataka' s Connection).
The Implantation of the Chinese Familie at Siang-lin *
After taking control of Central China, the Han court targeted the Tians. They started the policy of expanding their territory southward and Kiao-wang was brought into their control. The conquered Kiao-wang became Kiao-tche and the Cinisized Tonkin was formed to be its central command post. On most archeology sites in northern Vietnam, the Dong-son graves now gave way to the Chinese tombs indicating an influx of Chinese migrants into the region, done gradually through implantating Chinese families. One example of such implantion that grew along the way into becoming Chinese communities, was the foundation of the Ma-Lieuo community at Siang-lin by a Chinese general Ma Yuan. The Chinese word "Siang-lin", meaning the Elephant's Forest, is the exact translation of the Khmer word "Prey Damrey" identified in a Khmer legend as a city of the Hiong-wang kingdoms. As to its location Chinese sources gave out some information below.
At the east it touches the blue sea; at the west it arrives at Siu-lang; at the South it touches Funan; at the north, it is bordered by Kiou-to.
(FUNAN: P. 282)
The passage indicates that Siang-lin was at the north of Funan. It does not specified how far it was, but mentions that Siang-lin was bordered by Kiou-to and was bordered to the west by Siu-lang. Another passage indicates that Siu-lang was actually located at the high stream of the river Lin-yi where the Siu-lang or Lang-houng tribesmen lived.
It is question about the tribesmen Siu-lang or lang-houng who lived the high stream of the river Lin-yi, after that the geography continues its description to the south: if we go further to the south, we arrive finally to Fu-nan.
(FUNAN: P. 282)
These descriptions were obviously not very much helpful, since all references given to other location limitroph of Siang-lin were also unidentifiable. However, closer study would allow us to identify that Lin-Yi was actually a native name of the Hion-Wang Kingdom (Prey Nokor: The Kingdom of Hion-Wang). In that perspective, we know that Siang-lin was located in Je-nan where the ethnic Ma Chinese settlers later resided. This frontier city formed by the Hans, as we shall see, was very much disputed between Prey Nokor and the Chinese province of Kiao-tche. The Lin-yi ki or notes on the Lin-yi at the end of the fifth century recounted this border set-up between Tonkin and Lin-yi (Malaka Le Malayu el Malayur: Les Ma-Lieuo des Han, Gabriel Ferrand).
At 43, a Chinese general Ma Yuan installed 2 posts of bronze at the southern frontier of Siang Lin to set the boundary between the Han country and Chih-tou.
The Chih-tou in the passage was referring the northern Siam Country in close approximity of Xiang Saen and Xiang Mai that shared its northern frontier with Yunnan. The tribesmen Kiou-To in the passage must to be a general reference to Lin-Yi or Hiong Wang' s kingdom that was no other than the Djourou indegenous tribesmen. As we had seen, their account about the Cham leadership on their community through mean of ruse might have dated during the Han's control of Yunnan. The Chinese general Ma Yuan was then commissioned by the Han court to transformed Yunnan as a Chinese province. After setting up the frontier with Chih-tou he left behind ten Chinese families to guard the bronze posts that later multiplies and formed the Cinicized community of the ethnic Ma.
The people called themselves Ma-lious, meaning people left behind by Ma Yuan, but their new generations knew that they were the descendants of Chinese (sons and grandsons of the Han).
The Wen-hien-tong-kao, in the notice of Lin-yi, provides the same information.
At the time of Sui (518-617), the ten families multiplies more then three hundred families; all having the family name of Ma. The indigenous gave them the surname of Ma-lieou-jen. The posts in bronze were destroyed. At the time of Tang they became the frontiers of the kingdom of Tang and the country of Lin-yi.
The formation of the Chinese people of ethnic Ma is a typical example of other ethnic tribes of Chinese background. As family name plays important role in Chinese tradition, powerful families of the same family's name connected themselves to form societies that attracted other rural people to join in. As their societies grew bigger, the family name became the ethnic identification of the whole population and the core people who inherited the last-name became the aristocrats and enjoyed all the privileges that a big society could offer. Unlike in Yunnan where implantation of Chinese people was down in a small scale and gradual, evidences show that the Chinese implantation of the eastern part of the Hion-wang Kingdom was done drastically with more or less Yueh infiltration. As the dispute with the native of Prey Nokor grew, Tonkin was particularly formed in a haste to quiet down the southern rebels.
Tonkin as a military commanding Post of the Han *
In Chinese history, the Han was considered as the preceptor of the true nationality of the Chinese people. In the formation of the unified China, the Han conducted a campaign to destroy the Hiong-wang kingdom that started with the implantation of Yueh communities among the Kun-lun tribesmen by the Han officials. In that situation, the foundation of of Dai-Viet as a whole consisted mainly the implantion of Chinese population down south. The same way that the Cinicized communities of ethnic Ma were formed, the communities of the ethnic Kinh grew from implanting Chinese families on the land wrested from the Kun Lun people. Mostly of bad elements, the new population was brought to settle in the new lands and were protected by the Han army. Their particuliar life-style soon became nuisance to the locals and forced them to move away. The second phase of the Han project involved mass migration from Central China to complete the whole of the Chinese re-population. Evidences show that during its early phase, the cinicization of Southern China were done more or less with existing Yueh infratructure left by the Wu dynasty. Rebellions occurred that forced the Han to develop Han southern commanding post along with Han administration in the effort to contain the uprising. The Han general Ma-yuan was commissioned to form Han armies in a hast for the establishment of order in the new country. His expedition brought a new class of immigrants from which he got all the human resources with warrior background as he needed among the migrating Yueh from the north (BViet: The Han-Viet era: The Great Han-Viet Families: P. 48-49).
His army included eight thousand men from northern China and twelve thousand militiamen from Kuang-hsi and eastern Kuang-tung.
These new recruits of Ma Yuan were not educated men as the immigrants of the Wang-mang era had been. Nevertheless, they were made into becoming the Han new power-elite to take on both administration and military function of the new Dai-Viet country. Because of its strategic location as a frontier state with Indochina, the developmrent of Tonkin was particularly accomplished through even more Yueh migrants than other Dai-Viet communities of Southern China. As many Yueh principalities appeared at the first time at the southern part of China, it is quite obvious that the emergence of the southern provinces of China under the name of "Hundred Yueh" was due to some sort of Yueh migration from the north and that the Yueh migration theory was in fact true. As we had argued, Central China (or Annam) received its Yueh heritage from the Wu dynasty since at least the formation of the Hiong-wang kingdom by the Tchou. But this past heritage could not be compared with the new Yueh development, brought upon them by the Han dynasty. Through Yueh mass migration, the Han founded the YUeh communities of the south to become part of Dai-Viet until modern days. The largest of them, of which Tonkin was part of with, received the name as Nan Yueh (Southern Yueh) and was centered on the mouth of the Hsi River in the vicinity of modern Canton. The second Yueh settlement in size was Min Yueh in Fu-chien. They were in fact built by the Han through an organized Yueh migration to repeopulate and administrate newly formed Dai-Viet communities of the south. It is important to note that during all this time, the Kun-lun or the Tian had already heading south leaving this southern China to the Yueh migrants. The new comers were then recruited at first as paid soldiers, but along the time became state officials of the Han government.
Their interest in Han culture and their loyalty to Han authority was maintained by opportunities to serve as middle-and low-level officials of Han government, especially in police and military affairs.
Tonkin soon became an active seaport even to top over the Chinese port of Quang-tong. By sea route, merchandises from all over China that were transported to the west, the same way as merchandises transported from the west to China, had to pass through Tonkin. This successful sea-trade might be due in part to the Red River transportation that played important role as the sea route extension inland. Other Yueh of higher status also migrated into the south, this time it was for another reason. It was the get-rich-quick made possible by the international sea trade that motivated the Yueh aristocrats to the south. After crushing all local rebels, the Han completed the transformation of the eastern part of the Hion-wang kingdom as the southern part of China.
THE FORMATION OF CHAMPAPURA
Starting from the usurpation by Seth, the Middle Eastern Cakravati incurred change. The return of Osiris under the divinity of the Sun God Horus created a new dynamic of Middle Eastern religious system. Conceived at the Gangetic India, the Vishnuite folklore was actually the epic tale of the Chola Dynasty. Southeast Asia was deeply affected, as another event was unfolding at the other side of the Indian continent. Through king Kahamdeng and Sinhanati from Day Desa, the Kambojan and Yueh Shih courts already claimed Southeast Asia to be their own. The next foundation of Yueh-tiao and Chan-tcheng under the imperial Han court would change drastically the demography and politic of Southeast Asia. As we shall see, the arrival of the Cham king Ajiraja would lead to the formation of southern Cham community (Poh Nan in Chinese) centered at Champapura.
The Legend of Ajiraja and their settlement at Nokor Kauk Tloak *
The arrival of king Ajiraja in Southeast Asia had been cited from different sources. Both Javenese and Khmer sources recall the story of a Middle Eastern king named Ajiraja, along with his complete court to make his way to Southeast Asia. It is not clear that he had any connections with Champapura of the Gangetic India, but Khmer tradition refers his descendants also as the Cham kings. From the fact that he secured himself with a big entourage during the voyage, he must to have well established royal status and was a king of an abroad kingdom. That was mentioned clearly in the Khmer chronicle (RPNK: king Ajiraja).
There was a great king (mahaksatryia) with the name of Ajiraja, along with officials and subjects of 5,000 persons, boarded ships from his kingdom toward the high sea. Arriving at the middle of ocean, a storm carried the ships aground near the Dangrek Mountain and the ships sunk at the coast of the Great Kingdom (Maha Nokor), on the footstep of the Dangrek range.
His original homeland was not however specified and neither was his background. Nevertheless, more indication would show that he belonged to the Yueh-shih court of Parthia (Notes: The Background of King Ajiraja). By naming analogy, it is clear that Ajiraja and Ajisaka (of the Javanese source) was the same person and that Ajiraj (Aji-Raja) was referring to Aji the king while Ajisaka (Aji-Saka) referred to Aji of Saka stock. The event recounted in the Khmer source appeared more like a combined events, composing of the sea voyage which landed Ajiraja and his crew at Mataram coast after the storm accident, and the moving north along the Malay peninsular to the tip of Dangrek Mountain where they settled permanently.
Unable to go back home, they settled at the coastal region near the island of Kauk Tloak. That was called Nokor Kauk Tloak. The king Ajiraja then had a son named KravarlTishraja. After the death of king Ajiraja, KravarlTishraja took over his father's kingdom and, fulfilling his father wish, created a long line of descendants ever since.
The passage mentions that they settled near the island of Kauk Tloak in a kingdom that was called Nokor Kauk Tloak. Khmer tradition later places the island near Angkorpuri in the province of Takeo today. By then, the surrounding of the island was very much submerged and Nokor Kauk Tloak must to be formed on a group of islands located at southern part of Cambodia today. The lower part of the Mekong River was still retaining its name as the Basaka (Ba-Saka) River, named after the Saka settlement along its shore. Extending up north to the Dangrek Mountain range into the Khorat plateau, Nokor Kauk Tloak was remembered in Khmer tradition as the forefront of Nokor Khmer, after the Khmer king Prah Thong wrestled it from the Cham kings. It is interesting to note that the passage mentions the existence of the Great Kingdom (Maha Nokor) or Mahidhara of the Sri Vijayan community, prior to the arrival of Ajiraja. To recall back, Maha Nokor was then formed by the exile Sri Vijayan court and Angkorpuri could have been their capital at the time. His arrival that was dated after the trip of Buddha Gautama to Suvannabhumy could also be chronologically dated after the formation of Nokor Kauk Tloak by king Hun Tien. Remnants of Cham settlements could be checked out along the Mekong river from the Khorat plateau down the Mekong delta of South Vietnam. This proposition is supported by the fact that the sea route from India to South East Asia had to pass through the islands of Indonesia. Javanese sources also hint that Ajisaka left his kingdom at Gujarat which agree to the fact that Mesopotamia as well as the Indus Valley was, by the time, under the Elamese Empire. Needless to say, the Cham settlement would clash with the Kambojan leadership of Maha Nokor that was already anchored among the Kamara societies. Their rivalry were carried on cross-continentally from Central Asia, through the Transgangetic India, and finally to Southeast Asia. Their animosity toward each other and their feuds were the primary catalyst in shaping up the dynamic historical events of Southeast Asia until modern days. While the Cham King Ajiraja was building Cham Communities along the Mekong River, we had seen that a faction of the Cham court used ruse to bring down the Kamboj legacy of King Hun Tien and took the Funan throne upon themselves (Notes: The Cham Communities in Cambodia). We also seen that king Fan Chan tried to initiate a diplomatic connection with the Koshan in Gangetic India to start on the long range planning of establishing the sea route between China and India. They brought along this technology that revolutionize the ship industry in the South China Sea. In conjunction with the primitive naga people who already mastered the art of sea navigation, they sprung immediately to become the maritime power of the region. From here on, concrete evidence of sea trading passing through the Malay Archipelago can be checked out by the existence of the seaport Oc-ev at the southern tip of the mainland Indochina. It was one of the major contributions of the Saka culture in the development of the new Southeast Asia.
The Cham City of Champapura *
As in Transgangetic India, the Chams settled down in small communities called Satraps or villages that along the way grew into becoming either cities or market places. Their settlement spread from the Delta region up to the Khorat plateau where they left legacies of their strong presence behind. Their concentration at What Phu was noticeable to be known as Champasaka. Along the way, a place called Kampong Cham (Port of the Chams) received and retained its name until today for it was one of their major ports of the time. After they moved, there are hardly any other legacies or concrete vestiges left to be uncovered in those places. This was due in part to the fact that they were forced to move constantly and left no information behind. In Chinese texts, the first reference to Champapura was Tchou-po that was often mentioned in close connection with Funan (BEFEO III:Le Funan, Paul Pelliot P. 264).
At the east of Funan, in the immense sea there is a big island. On the island there is the kingdom of Tchou-po. At the east of that kingdom, there is Ma Wou Tcheou.
On the fact that Tchou-po was mentioned as a kingdom situated on a big island, scholars mistook it as the island of Java. Nevertheless, we shall see that Java and Champa were both inheriting the Saka legacies and were about to share a very close history a few centuries later. The Chinese texts in some specific cases use the same reference to both countries. They were known to the Arab world by the name of their city as Zabag and their kings having the title of Maharaja. Back to our Chinese text, the passage clearly indicates that Tchou-po was located at the east of Funan and judging from the description, it was located around the southern branches of the Mekong River which was originally part of the Funan Empire. Because of the low altitude, the southeastern part of Cambodia was partly submerged and a number of islands were there to form later the Mekong Delta. The two branches of the Mekong River received and retained their name as Basak (Ba-saka) Rivers. Tchou-po was mentioned to be on a big island located at a region that still retains its name as Koh Thom (the Big Island) of the Kandal province in Cambodia today. It is important to note that these Cham aristocrats came as court members of King Ajisaka and were not agriculturist as the Khmer-mon people. Living among the latter, they earned their living mostly from commercial or business activities besides animal husbandry and fishing. Either driven out by hostility or moving to find better market place, their ventures dictate to them at first a nomadic life-style. Nevertheless, evidences show that they gradually adopted the Khmer-mon Culture and transformed themselves into becoming the aristocratic Khmer-mon people. Local tradition had plenty to say about the class of wealthy families, called sethi, who established their wealth through land-ownership as well as intertribal trading. Their social well off status enabled them to launch political maneuvers that would secure their aristocratic standing among the locals (Chenla: The Chenla Brotherhood: The formation of the Chenla court). Their power were mainly due to their ability to control of the economy and their achievement enabled them to move up further in the new societies and secured them the status of the wealthy class. Rather then building-up their politic from supports of the local people, the Chams at first inserted their influence on corrupted officials through the back door policy. While their peers at the northern side of Indochina, the Saka immigrants of the southern part were experiencing more constraints in their environment among the less civilized austronesian tribes. Their development was slow but nevertheless progressive. They relied on new arrival of more Sakas to support their ventures and founded themselves communities of the Saka legacy. Their communities (formed on the ground of austronesian tribes) underwent changes and did not retain much of the Central Asian legacy. Unlike the Khmer kings who left score of vestiges about their Sivaite and Buddhist practices behind, the Cham aristocrats virtually left no traces. The ancient Kawi scripture of Java was undoubtedly derived from the Brahmi scripture brought by the Sakan rulers. Chinese texts mention about the Ho's scripture found very much in used in Central Asia, especially at the northern slope of Himalaya which included Tibet. The Khmer Tradition mentioned that it had 33 alphabets sounding like the Magadha scripture of the Gupta court.
That is why the Chams counted 33 alphabets sounding similar to Magadha words.
(RPNK, M. Tranet)
The Kawi scripture that was a derivative of the Bhrami scripture survived in ancient Java texts until replaced by the modern Muslim (Arab) scripture. At the mean time the new Saka immigrants, having been involved themselves with the Hindu cultural development of South India, were responsible for the more Indianized Java than any other part of Southeast Asia. Out from the reach of China, they were developed into Hindu societies and carried on the South Indian lifestyle. The remnants of such society are still found in the island of Bali.
The Spreading of the Cham Chao-fas*
On the southern part of Laos today, the people called themselves "Djourou". However, the Lao people of Vieng-chan knew them as the "loven" or "boloven" people. The story behind the new identity was remembered as followed.
A Laotian Chief bought from the Djourou Chief the right over the suzerainty with the price of a boat and the Laotians took it as, thus the name given to the Djourou "La ven" meaning "he lost a boat".
The story, no matter how absurd it seams, reflects the true nature of the relationship start-up between the Khmer-mon tribesmen and the new Yueh leadership. The Laotian chief (Cham Chao fa) gave a boat to the Chief of the Djourou tribes in the deal to get the leadership of the Djourou tribes. It was an old political trick of bribery that was one of the Yueh trademarks among many other political manipulation that allowed the Yueh leadership to built their control on the ground of the Khmer-mon tribesmen. They took advantage of the political inept of the Khmer-mon leaders to wrest the powers from them. It was how the YUeh communities were formed as a whole on the ground of the Khmer-mon tribes after the fall of the Hiong-wang kingdom. Contrary to common belief that the Chams of the mainland were formed from the Austronesian tribes, the Chuongs had no interests in extending their venture into the isolated hilltop Austronesian peoples. Like the Han rulers, the Cham Chao-fas were more comfortable with the crowded communities of the Valleys where they can form market places and cities. Under the Cham Chao-fas, the Boloven constituted by their number, the social establishment the most important of Lao tribesmen who established themselves between the Mekong and the Sekong Rivers. Their tradition located them to be first at Viengtiane with the rest of the Kha tribesmen (BEFEO I: Notes Ethnographiques sur diverse Tribus du Sud-Est de l'Indo-China, Par M. A. Lavalle). They are actually remnants of the indigenous tribesmen who were originally Khmer-Mon and were later became part of the Cham development. Shared by most western indigenous tribes, their northern origin proves common ancestry from the Khmer-Mon tribesmen including the Stieng who were once inhabiting the Hiong-wang kingdom. Their tradition located them to be first at Viengtiane where they were part of a Cham community ruled by a Cham or Laotian Chief. In their own recollection, the Boloven later moved south with other tribes under the Cham rulers.
In front were the Rhade and at the end were the Boloven. The latter, exhausted by the long march and catching all kind of diseases, could not passed the region that they settled down and established themselves until today.
The migration down south was due the assault of the Kambojans over the settlement of the Chams at Viengtiane conducted by the giants of Mien Ta Tok (the Tokharian). It marked the end of the Cham control at Viengtiane and the expansion of the Kambojan Empire over Nan-tiao (Notes: The Rhades). The Cham rulers settled down at Wat Phu and their settlement was known later as Champasaka. Under the Cham leadership, they were bilingual and adapted themselves to the Tai or Lao culture. Most speaks Laotian as the result of commercial relationship through the Mekong River. Their current life style is now very close to the Laotians from whom they borrowed many customs: dress of Sampot, hair cut etc. However their societies still retained their own structure dated back since the Kamara era of the Hiong-wang kingdom.
The villages have no relying administration between them. The Chao muong of Saravane and of Khan-thong-gnai represented the superior authority. The groups of population are administrated for the affairs of municipality or simple policing, by the chiefs of the following hierarchy: Kagnong loung, Kagnong ao, Kagnong Louk, Kagnoung muong, Kagnon lan, small villages have only magistrats of inferior order. The dignities were hereditary.
This organization which differed from the Lao communities of today and resembled more to other Khmer-mon communities of the eastern hill tribes, reflects the organization of the Khmer-mon' s Culture of the great flood. Each village has its own autonomy and is connected to a higher authority in a hierarchy ranking according to its size and obviously its political and economical status.
- ISSA: The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, by G. Coedes
- BEFEO VII: Notes Sur Les Chams: La Chronique de Po Nagar, E.M, Durand
- CKH: The Chonicle of Khmer heroes, by Sot Eng
- MGRV: Minority groups in the Republic of Vietnam, Department of the army pamphlet
- TIBET: The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, by Christopher I. Beckwith
- China:Ancient China Simplified, by Edward Harper Parker
- BChina:The Birth of China, by Herrlee Glessner Creel
- BViet:The Birth of Vietnam, by Keith Weller Taylor
- KunLun: Journal Asiatique Juilet-Aout 1919: Le Kouen-Louen et les Anciennes navigations interoceaniques dans les mers du Sud, by Gabriel Ferrand
2070-1600 BC: Xia Dynasty; 1300-1046 BC: Shang or Yin Dynasty; 1046-221 BC: Chou Dynasty; 322-185 BC: The Mauryan Empire; 221-207 BC: Quin Dynasty; 206 BC-220: Han Dynasty; 43: Chinese general Ma Yuan set the southern frontier of Siang Lin; 137: Uprising of Chu Lien at Lin-yi against the Han; 192: Chu Lien liberated Lin-yi; 230: Fan Man extended the Funan Empire; 240-550: The Gupta Empire;
- The Kamboja vs the Yueh Shih
Politically and demographically, the Yueh Shih were derived from the Skythians Saka or the Kamboja but culturally there was a fine line between the two Sakan clans established by later developments. The same as the modern Mongolians, the Chao Yueh Shis rulers did not speak the same Simhalese (Indo-Aryan) language as the Kambojan rulers, but instead spoke Sino-Tibetan tongue. Clashing with the Hiong-nu, the Yueh Shih dispersed in many directions. While the Ta-Yueh-Shih branch went into Bactria, the Chao Yueh Shih migrated straight into Yunnan.
- The Po Nagar's Creation
Yang Po-Nagara could be identified as the combined essence of the goddess Ishta, the consort of the Moon God Tsin and her daughter Innana. After the decline of the Meru Culture, she became the most revered divinity that is still holding on the Tree of Life. Her works in regard to the creation of the Cham world is particularly connected to Po Yang Amo, a Muslim version of Adam.
Po Yang Amo created a Nabi for the Banis, a Nabi for the Cham, a Nabi for the annamite: the king Mala-Un and the queen Jamat for the Banis, the king Abaloh and the queen Khalkama-Lamau-suk for the Chams, the king Malaca and the queen Kamalacih for the Annamites.
According to Muslim Koran and the Christian bible, Adam was the first Man created by the supreme God. Through him, the Cham nations were created with the help of Po Nagar.
Po Nagar exhaled and created the lightning, Po Yang Amo exhaled into the sacred conch and created the Banis, the Cham, and the Annamite.
- The religious Background of the Chams
As much as we know that the Yueh Shih were Mahayana Buddhist, other Saka who settled in Southeast Asia inherited other Hindu cultures back to their homeland in Middle East. The early Sakan migrant, identified as the Kamboja, were known to practice Sivaism and were readily accepted Buddhism as their next devotion. The next arrival of the Cham kings in Gangetic India were Zoroastrianist, but judging from later development we know that they already converted to Visnuite. As part of the Chola legacy, Sivaism and Vishnuism merged and most Chams still retained this heritage until the arrival of their new faith, which was Islam.
- The Western Ta-tsin
In Chinese texts, Ta-tsin was first a reference to the kingdom where Meru originated. After Meru moved his court to Middle East, Ta-tsin was referred to Mesopotamia. Depend upon the dynamic of the Meru cakravatin empire, Ta-tsin was placed in Chinese texts further and further west. During the Han era, Ta-tsin appears to be a reference to the Raman Empire.
- The Etymology of the word "Chao-fa"
The word "Chao-fa" could be a derivative of the Khmer word "Chao Prah" meaning God's grand-son. As the Kambujan Ksatrias adopted the title "Rajaput" or Son of Raja, The Yuesh Shish and the Cham kings often adopted the title of "Chao-fa" or the god's grandson.
- The Rhades
The story includes the Rhades as part of the original people of Viengtiane who escaped the Kambojan's attack with the Boloven down south. It contradicts the tradition of the Rhades themselves who claim that they were at the Darlac Plateau since prehistoric time.
- The Legend of Lord Lac Quan
The Vietnamese legend of the Dragon Lac Long Quan who came to the Hong-plane from the sea, teaching civilization and rice cultivation sound very much the same as the Tai mythology of Khun Borom (Xiangmai: Introduction: The Sakan Legacy). This attribution agrees with the Cham mythology of Po Nagara, on the formation of Annam. It also reveals to us that the Dragonian culture of China (as well as of Annam) was sea-born from the family of Paramkamboja kings of Southeast Asia. Through Dai-viet's account, we know that Lord Lac later retired back at the sea,leaving Dai-Viet into the whole control of the Han dynasty.
- The Chou's development of Central China
Under the leadership of a Tsu prince, ancient Chinese tradition recalled about the formation of the Wu state that later became the countries of the Chinese Han, the Annamite Yueh and the Japanese ancestors (Notes: The Tsu vs the Wu). At the mean time, the occupation of the Xia Dynasty promoted the Tai Culture along the eastern Ta-tsin Country but did not cover-up the eastern barbarian states of Jinnan.
- Where the Kinh came from
In contrast to the southern indigenous Muangs who preferred to build their dwellings on stilt, the new migrants built their dwellings flat on the ground. The difference of the Kinh' s life style, common to the central Chinese as a whole, from their Autronesian counterpart reveals that Central China and other parts of the world did not suffer the same great flood as once Southeast Asian did. If they were also flood survivors, their societies must to form a lot later, for they had no legacies left of the flood itself. Studies reveal that the Kinh were from Central China that was along with like the Han were brought under the Tian culture approximately around the twelve century, long after the Great Flood. Unlike the Muangs and the Tais who preferred to live on the hills, the Kinh rarely settled out in high ground. Further more, the Kinh considered themselves as city dwellers and lived in close networked community like the Han.
- The displace of the Kamara People to Madagaska
The Arab merchant Lbn Said also mentioned that after settling for a while, a number of Kamara people then moved to Madagaska, but that their king still stayed at the city of Komoriya. These settlements appeared to be self sustained and as expected Madagaska was not ruled by a Kamara king.
- The Displacement of Panduranga
The word "Panduranga" is the short form of the Sanskrit word Puranadaranga (Purana-Dara-Anga) meaning the ancient realm (dhara) of Anga (Naga). Found in many Khmer inscriptions, Puranadaranga was later became a reference to Phan rang. Representing the mount Meru, the Mountain of Panduranga was likely a replica of the Kannavadhamana Mountain mentioned in the Mahavamsa.
- The Establishment of the Cham's Cotrol over Lin-yi
As part of the union, Champapura retained its own court but needed the investiture from China to crown its king. The Cham Chao-fas on the other hand, were allowed to take control of the small feudality of the Khmer-mon tribesmen and were expected to submit themselves to the Cham King. Supported by the Han, Champapura was formed to be part of Kiao-tche.
- The Background of King Ajiraja
The arrival of king Ajiraja coincided with the fall of the Persian Empire by the attack of Alexander the Great. Their connection with the Rashu lineage and later to Rama leads us to believe that they were part of the new Middle Eastern Zoroastrianism believers who soon became Vishuite. In conjunction with the establishment of Champavati in Gangetic India, we believe that king Ajiraja was from the Koshan stronghold of Parthia. Back in Gujarat or Mesopotamia, they were already mastering the art of ship's building. They brought along this technology that revolutionize the ship industry in the South China Sea.
- The Cham Communities in Cambodia
Through their tradition, some indigenous tribesmen recounted how the Cham Aristocrats had their move to wrest the control of the Khmer-mon chiefs and started on imposing their own authority on the Khmer-mon communities. The events could have been started under the Han initiative. While the people of the Hiong Wang kingdom escaped south, the Han implanted Chinese people to take over the Kun Lun Country. At the same time, evidences show that the Han had reached out to the court of King Ajiraja and brought it up to challenge the court of king Hun Tien of Funan.